1,925 research outputs found
Ford's urban spaces
No full textThis essay discusses Ford’s engagement with the urban imaginary — both his own and of his time — taking account of twenty-two literary works devoted, partly or entirely, to the city. The first aim is to convey a wide, informed and analytic canvas of this vast production, while overviewing, systematising and making sense of existing Ford scholarship on the subject. The second aim is to identify and analyse neglected thematic strands, such as psychogeography, urban regeneration vs cultural memory, autobiographical colourings of the city, and anthropological takes on urban spaces. The third and final aim is to suggest new directions and methodological approaches which could be fruitfully applied to Ford studies on this topic
Ford, vision, and media
No full textThis essay discusses Ford’s engagement with vision and visual media of various kinds (especially painting and proto-cinematic devices) through his career as an art critic, novelist, poet and essay writer. The first aim it to convey a wide, informed and analytic canvas of this vast production (thirty-four works are considered, in order to abstract major tendencies in his developing interest in the visual), while overviewing, systematising and making sense of existing Ford scholarship on the subject. The second aim is to identify, analyse and offer new insights into major thematic strands — both well-known lines of enquiry, such as Ford’s relationship with the Old Masters, the Pre-Raphaelites and the avant-gardes, and largely neglected areas, such as the relationship between the visual field and emotion (e.g. through trauma, surveillance and care), the exchanges between the visible and the invisible, mental imagery and the phenomenology of reading, the afterlives of Ford’s works in contemporary media. The third and final aim is to suggest new directions and methodological approaches, from cognitivism to affect theory, which could be fruitfully applied to Ford studies on this topic
Having a lot of a good thing: multiple important group memberships as a source of self-esteem.
No full textCopyright: © 2015 Jetten et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are creditedMembership in important social groups can promote a positive identity. We propose and test an identity resource model in which personal self-esteem is boosted by membership in additional important social groups. Belonging to multiple important group memberships predicts personal self-esteem in children (Study 1a), older adults (Study 1b), and former residents of a homeless shelter (Study 1c). Study 2 shows that the effects of multiple important group memberships on personal self-esteem are not reducible to number of interpersonal ties. Studies 3a and 3b provide longitudinal evidence that multiple important group memberships predict personal self-esteem over time. Studies 4 and 5 show that collective self-esteem mediates this effect, suggesting that membership in multiple important groups boosts personal self-esteem because people take pride in, and derive meaning from, important group memberships. Discussion focuses on when and why important group memberships act as a social resource that fuels personal self-esteem.This study was supported by 1. Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (FT110100238) awarded to Jolanda Jetten (see http://www.arc.gov.au) 2. Australian Research Council Linkage Grant (LP110200437) to Jolanda Jetten and Genevieve Dingle (see http://www.arc.gov.au) 3. support from the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research Social Interactions, Identity and Well-Being Program to Nyla Branscombe, S. Alexander Haslam, and Catherine Haslam (see http://www.cifar.ca)
Social Support
No full textFirst paragraph: Flick through any autobiography of a celebrated athlete and you will find that one of its key themes is social support. Certainly there will be discussions of training and tactics, distress and disappointment, guts and glory. But the backdrop to all this is likely to be the support the athlete received from key individuals and groups along the way. The mother who drove them to training every day in the middle of winter, the coach who instilled a sense of self-discipline and pride, the backroom team who always had a kind word when things hadn’t gone quite to plan. This is beautifully exemplified by a legendary yet bitter-sweet moment from the 1992 Barcelona Olympics, where hot-favourite sprinter Derek Redmond from the United Kingdom tore his hamstring during the 400 meters semi-final. His father, Jim, jumped the balustrades and pushed past event officials to help his son cross the line and finish the race. We hobbled over the finishing line with our arms round each other, just me and my dad, the man I’m really close to, who’s supported my athletics career since I was seven years old. (Bos, 2017) Accounts such as this are also often filled with heroic examples of athletes going ‘above and beyond’ to provide support to others in their team — even to the extent of making personal sacrifices for the ‘greater good’. Consider the 2012 Tour de France, when Chris Froome gave up his opportunity to secure personal victory, instead opting to help his teammate Bradley Wiggins secure the coveted maillot jaune. Clearly, the role of socially supportive others, across both sport and life more generally, cannot be understated. For this reason, social support plays a key role in optimal functioning across a range of performance contexts — not only in sport, but also in the workplace, at school, or at home (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2012; Freeman & Rees, 2009; Sarkar & Fletcher, 2014). Indeed, work by the fourth author and his colleagues highlighted how supportive families, coaches, and networks are key to the development of super-elite athletes (Rees et al., 2016)
Subhuman, Inhuman, and Superhuman: Contrasting Humans with Nonhumans in Three Cultures
No full textTo understand dehumanization, we must understand how humans are contrasted with nonhumans. Our work (Haslam, 2006) proposes two forms of dehumanization, in which people are denied uniquelyhumanattributes and likened to animals, or denied human nature attributes and likened to robots. In the light of this model, we examined the mental capacities that are believed to differentiate humans from animals, robots, and supernatural beings in three cultures (Australia, China, Italy). Cross–culturally consistent patterns emerged, with humans differing from nonhumans on two dimensions that closely resembled our two proposed forms of humanness. Compared to humans, animals were seen as lacking higher cognitive powers and refined emotion, but also as having superior perceptual capacities. Robots chiefly lacked emotion– and desire– related capacities. Supernatural beings had superior cognitive and perceptual capacities. Implications for dehumanization are discussed
Haslam, Mrs. L. M.
No full textPhotograph from the C.R. Savage Portrait Studio. Name associated with the photograph: Mrs. L. M. Hasla
Neonatal respiratory distress after antenatal corticosteroids - Reply
No full textCA Crowther; RR Haslam; JE Hiller; LW Doyle; and JS Robinso
Haslam, Mrs. L. M.
No full textPhotograph from the C.R. Savage Portrait Studio. Name associated with the photograph: Mrs. L. M. Hasla
Semantic changes in harm-related concepts in English
No full textThe chapter investigates semantic changes in core concepts of psychology, specifically focusing on those related to harm. Haslam (2016) hypothesized that many psychological concepts associated with harm (i.e., forms of psychological disturbance, threat, and maltreatment) have undergone semantic broadening in the past half-century in association with cultural shifts and social change. The implications of this “concept creep” hypothesis have been previously explored by prominent social, political, and legal thinkers (Levari et al. 2018, Lukianoff & Haidt 2019, Pinker 2018, Sunstein 2018), but its linguistic dimension has received little empirical attention.
Here we apply computational models in order to address the concept creep hypothesis. We start with a description of a typology of semantic shifts and provide a summary of computational methods for automatic detection of the most common changes (broadening, narrowing, hyperbole, and litotes) and utilise those to evaluate core harm-related concepts such as ‘trauma’, ‘harassment’, and ‘bullying’ on a new corpus of psychology literature extending from 1970 to 2017. Our results confirm the initial hypothesis and are in line with earlier studies: most concepts became broader and milder over the last few decades. We then continue with a more detailed study in order to understand how exactly the concepts changed, and to do so employ and evaluate different types of semantic representations.
Finally, we additionally train the models on a general domain corpus in order to investigate whether the broadening of harm-related concepts also applies to society at large, rather than only to the academic discourse of psychology. Haslam’s influential account of concept creep (Haslam 2016) proposes that broadened concepts of harm disseminate from academic language into wider public use. This final analysis enables a direct test of that conjecture, including comparative analysis of the extent and timing of historical semantic changes across the two corpora
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