1,135 research outputs found
Otton Ambroz. Realignment of World Power. The Russo-Chinese Schism
No full textL. R. Otton Ambroz. Realignment of World Power. The Russo-Chinese Schism. In: Politique étrangère, n°1 - 1974 - 39ᵉannée. pp. 111-112
Constitutive promoter expression in transgenic wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) and sorghum (Sorghum bicolor L.)
No full textSince the first successful wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) transformation in 1993, particle bombardment has become a routine method of delivering foreign DNA into wheat. Sorghum (Sorghum bicolor L. Moench) transformation was also achieved in 1993. Since then there have been few additional reports on the topic. There are many factors that affect particle bombardment\u27s success in obtaining transgenic plants. Particle bombardment parameters, explant tissue and culture, and the choices of DNA constructs are examples of factors that would affect transformation success. The DNA constructs used for effective transformation must have promoters that function properly in the plant it genome for gene expression to occur. In this study, constitutive promoters (rice actin, maize alcohol dehydrogenase, maize ubiquitin, and cauliflower mosaic virus 35S) were evaluated for gene expression in stably transformed wheat callus fines and transiently in sorghum embryonic tissue. The promoters were fused to the uidA (GUS) gene and evaluated for GUS expression by histochemical and chemiluminescent assay in wheat callus and transiently in sorghum embryonic tissue. Histochemical assays were done on the regenerated wheat plants. Position effect, co-suppression, and gene silencing may affect foreign gene expression in stably transformed fines. Although transgene expression is not fully understood, the maize ubiquitin promoter was found to have significantly higher levels of GUS expression than the other three constitutive promoters evaluated in the callus lines. At the whole plant level, the maize ubiquitin promoter expressed GUS in 60% of the transgenic; plants obtained. Expression was considerably lower for the cauliflower mosaic virus 35S, rice actin, and maize alcohol dehydrogenase promoters. Therefore, these findings indicate when a high level of constitutive expression is desired the maize ubiquitin promoter would be an appropriate promoter sequence for a wheat transformation study. Transient GUS activity in embryonic sorghum tissue was found to be very low. It was concluded that there would be a benefit in investigating and isolating new promoter sequences for sorghum transformation
LE FORTIFICAZIONI DELLA CHIESA E DELL`OSPIZIO DI S. VENERANDA A HVAR NELLA PRIMA META DEL XIX SECOLO
No full textNa osnovi sačuvanih arhivskih podataka, prikaza crkve i hospicija sv. Venerande na veduti G. Santinija iz 1668. godine i tlocrta postojećeg stanja sklopa, nastalog kratko prije austrijskog utvrđivanja 1830- 183 1. god ine, autor rekonstruira izgled sklopa hospicija prije teških oštećenja 1807 . godine i njegovih kasnijih utvrđivanja. Osim spomenutog tlocrta, donosi se još jedan tlocrt iz 1837. godine. Njihovom usporedbom jasno se uočavaju dvije faze utvrđivanja: francuska iz 1811. godine i austrijska l 833. godine, čime se zaokružuje prikaz razvoja sklopa od njegovog nastanka krajem 16. stoljeća do sredine 19. stoljećaLa chiesa e l'ospizio di S. Veneranda a Hvar (Lesina) furono fondati nel 1561. Motivo della costruzione erano state le esigenze religiose dei marinai e degli ufficiali greci al servizio di Venezia. Per interessamento del serviente della chiesa, Niceforo Condachitie, ebbe inizio la costruzione del campanile e della cisterna, con l 'aiuto del comune di Hvar e delle autorità veneziane. Una veduta di Hvar di G. Santini, del 1668, sulla quale è rappresentato l'ospizio di S. Veneranda, ne mostra l'aspetto che nella pianta non cambiò in modo essenziale fino ai gravi danni subiti dal complesso nel 1807 e agli ampi interventi di fortificazione del 1811 e 1830-1831. Il complesso fu danneggiato durante la battaglia tra Francesi e Russi per il predominio sulla città, nel!' aprile del 1807. Ne fu allora distrutta tutta la parte settentrionale. La prima fase della fortificazione del complesso fu realizzata dai Francesi nel 1811, la seconda dagli Austriaci nel 1830-1831. Per la fortificazione del complesso, nel 1830-1831, fu eseguito il rilievo dello stato di fatto a cura del tenente maggiore d 'ingegneria An ton Zeitler, che è depositato presso l'Archivio di Stato di Vienna. Questo rilievo raffigura nei dettagli lo stato di fatto della chiesa e dell'ospizio, e la fase francese della fortificazione. Il confronto della pianta della chiesa e dell'ospizio di questo disegno con la veduta di Santini del 1668, conferma ulteriormente l'ipotesi che il complesso dalla metà del XVII secolo alla soppressione del convento nel 1805 non avesse subito cambiamenti di pianta significativi. Gli unici cambiamenti interessarono la parte nord del complesso, che i Francesi rinnovarono nel 1811 modificandolo rispetto allo stato originario. La pianta riporta anche l 'aspetto della parte sud-ovest del complesso, sulla quale finora non si possedevano dati. Qui si trovava un grande cortile chiuso. La fase fortificatoria francese è caratterizzata della costruzione di un tracciato merlato, che continuava la parte nord del complesso, e di un terrapieno con gli affusti dei cannoni nella parte sud. Il secondo rilievo dello stato di fatto del complesso è del 1837. Si conserva anch'esso presso l'Archivio di Stato di Vienna. Raffigura i cambiamenti avvenuti durante la fase fortificatoria austriaca del complesso, nel 1830-1831. Oltre alla già nota demolizione del campanile fino ali 'altezza del primo piano, gli Austriaci svolsero tutta una serie di interventi di cui finora non si era al corrente. Rafforzarono il terrapieno, elevarono il tracciato fortificatorio e costruirono scarpate al suo esterno e al suo interno. Rafforzarono i resti dell'ospizio di un tempo aprendo feritoie per tutta la lunghezza del muro. La fortezza Veneranda perse la sua funzione militare nell'anno 185
DUE CHIESE DI VIS (LISSA) E LA LORO FORTIFICAZIONE NEL XVII SECOLO
No full textAutor objavljuje dva nepoznata dokumentaiz 1624. godine koji se čuvaju u Archivio di Stato u Veneciji. Na njima su prikazani nacrt predutvrde uz crkvu i samostan sv.Nikole u Komiži i nacrt tvrđave oko crkve Gospe od Spilica u Visu. Povezujući datacije dokumenta s podatkom o boravku vojnog inženjera Agostina Albeilia na Visu prije ožujka 1625. godine, pripisuje se izrada nacrta tom inženjeru . Osim nacrta fortifikacija, autor obrađuje razvoj spomenutih građevina, povezujući njihov tlocrt iz 1624. godine s dosada poznatim podacima.Nello studio sono pubblicati due documenti finora sconosciuti datati 1624 e provenienti dali ' Archivi o di Stato di Venezia, con i progetti di fortificazione del complesso dell 'ex-convento e della chiesa di S. Nicola, detto Muster, a Komiža (Comisa), e della chiesa parrocchiale della Madonna delle Grotte a Lissa. Oltre ai disegni delle fortificazioni i documenti riportano anche le piante degli edifici. Il complesso del convento e della chiesa di S. Nicola a Comisa era in origine un convento benedettino che i documenti menzionano la prima volta alla fine del XIII secolo, sebbene vi siano indizi della presenza di un convento minore o di celle dalla fine del IX o dall'inizio del X secolo . Il complesso conventuale fu fortificato alla fine del XIII secolo. Alla metà del XV secolo l'ordine benedettino nel convento fu soppresso, mentre la chiesa divenne la parrocchiale di Comisa. Il complesso conventuale dopo la soppressione dell'ordine subì notevoli modifiche. L'edificio sacro da piccola chiesa romanica si trasformò nell 'ampio spazio a cinque navate della chiesa odierna. Con la costruzione di una prefortificazione il complesso fu sensibilmente ampliato verso nord . Il documento del 1624 riporta la pianta del complesso conventuale che, unita ai dati noti , dà un ' idea più chiara del suo sviluppo. Confrontando la pianta della prefortificazione con quanto costru ito fino alla metà del XVII secolo , constatiamo che vi è una fo rte differenza tra quanto ideato e quanto realizzato. La prefortificazione, che doveva copri re tutta la parte nord del complesso, è limitata alla parte nord-ovest dello stesso. Al momento della costruzione della fortificazione lo spazio di fronte alla facciata della chiesa subì delle modifiche. La chiesa parrocchiale della Madonna delle Grotte a Lissa dall ' inizio del XVI secolo, quando fu costruita come edificio a una sola navata, fino a lla fine del XVIII seco lo, quando assunse l 'aspetto odierno, subi una serie di ampliamenti. La pianta del 1624, collegata alle relazioni dei visitatori apostolici, Valier nel 1579 e Priuli del 1603, e alle bolle datate ancora prima del Vescovo di (Lesina), Pritić, offrono una chiara immagine dell ' evoluzione della chiesa. A differenza delle altre fortificazioni di edifici sacri sul territorio del comune di Lesina, dove è fortificato l'edificio stesso, la pianta prevede la costruzione di una fortificazione intorno alla chiesa. I disegni sono attribuiti all ' ingegnere militare Agostino Alberti in base ad una lettera nella quale il conte e provveditore di Lesina Marino Sagredo, il 13 marzo 1625, informava il provveditore generale Francesco Molino di aver precedentemente inviato l ' ingegnere suddetto a Lissa perchè progettasse la fortificazione di Muster. Il fatto che il disegno pubblicato della prefortificazione a Muster sia datato al 1624, mentre nel marzo 1625 si parla del precedente invio dell 'Alberti, fa ritenere che Agostino Alberti abbia eseguito il disegno alla fine del 1624. Il confronto della grafia del testo che accompagna il disegno e del modo di disegnare permettono di affermare che il disegno per la fortezza intorno alla Madonna delle Grotte e il disegno per la fortificazione di Muster sono opera della stessa persona. Agostino Alberti, dunque, nella seconda metà del 1624 su richiesta del conte e provveditore di Lesina, Marin Sagredo, soggiornò a Lissa dove eseguì entrambi i disegni
THE ORTOGONAL STREET NETWORK OF THE NORTHERN PART OF THE CITY OF HVAR
No full textAutor zapaža postojanje ortogonalne ulične mreže na cijelom području sjevemog dijela grada Hvara: unutar obzidanoga grada i zapadnoga predgrađa. Ta je mreža ravnomjemo raspoređena cijelim područjem. Presječena je potezima zidina, kao i s tri okomite ulice unutar zidina.The research of the spatial organization of the city of Hvar has until recently been mostly limited to its general outstanding characteristics: e.g. the difference between the ortogonal network of the medieval city inside the walls, Groda, and the absence of this design in its southern suburb, Burka. Especially stressed by everyone is the most outstanding characteristic of the city with respect to other Medieval towns of the Easterm Adriatic: the walled Medieval civitas does not have a central open space to serve as city square, and its cathedral is situated outside its walls. Only when the southern suburb developed in the second half of the fifteenth century did the empty field which divided the city from the suburb (bordered by the cathedral on its east side and the Rector's Palace on its west side) gradually assume the role of central city square. Existing literature stresses the ortogonal street arrangement inside the city walls, contrasting it to the street network of the southern suburb composed of irregular ellipsoidal blocks, characterizing the periods preceding those of planned devlopment. However, no research has been done of the street network of the western city suburb Gojava. Gojava lies to the west of the city walls and is today characterized by a loose (sparse) arrangement of buildings. Along with G roda, Gojava constitutes the northern segment of the town of Hvar. Indications that the housing had greater density in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries can be found in the walled-up apertures of former houses on the stone walls of what today are gardens. It is divided from the western stretch of the city walls by a pommerium, about twenty steps wide, as stipulated in the City Statutes of 1331. In Gojava the central part is ortogonal, but its northern and western fringes are irregular, having developed from former country lanes. The central ortogonal street arrangement is related to that of Groda, with which it contituses one whole. From the west fringe of Gojava to the east city gate (Porta Badoer) across the entire width of the northern part of the city - runs an almost straight street serving as the main communication between the two parts of the dte. it points eest-west, following the isohypsos of the hillside underlying the fort, on which lies the northern part of the city. Lower down on the hillside there is another parallel street also pointing east-west. These two streets are intersected at right angles with six streets: two in Gojava and four in Groda. All these intersecting streetsd are arranged at regular intervals, meeting the two east-west thoroughfares at right angles. This street arrangement creates rectangular housing blocks of approximately equal size (the east-west side of cca 40 meters and the north-south side of cca 32 meters). Inside the Medieval civitas the square blocks of housing are divided by streets approximately across the middle, creating smaller, irregular rectangular blocks or series with sides of cca 16 meters in the east-west direction, and 32 meters in the direction north-south. The streets intersecting the blocks in Groda run parallel with the western stretch of the city walls which divide the square blocks leaving only one third of the block inside the walls. In Gojava there are no traces of splitting the larger square block into two smaller rectangular ones. The history of the development of the ortogonal street network of the northern part of the city of Hvar can be clearly followed from the end of the thirteenth century until the first half of the fifteenth century when it was fully defined. A specially important role in this development was played by the construction of the city walls which lasted for several centuries and in the course of which the perimeter of the walls was reduced considerably with respect to what had been planned at the end of the thirteenth century. The shrinking of the city resulted from its stagnation under Anjouvin rule (1358-1420). According to the project drafted at the end of the thirteenth century the walls were to embrace the entire northern part of the city including the complex of the Cathedral and the Episcopal Palace at its south-east end. This plan was not carried through, so today Hvar has a sparsely inhabited suburb and a dense web of housing inside its walls. The author also considers the problem of the potential influence on the plan of Hvar of a city built in Late Antiquity "near Saint Mary of Lesna" (mentioned in the document surrendering the city to Venice in 1278 and today identified with Procopius' Lisna (sixth century). On the basis of archive documents this town was located on the territory of today's Groda. Although the present state of research cannot confirm with any certainty that the street grid of Groda derives from Late Antiquity, the discovery of a Late Roman house in the Gazaroviša insula, whose perimetral walls follow the direction of the streets, leave room for
such a hypothesis
A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE HANNIBAL LUCIĆ VILLA IN HVAR
No full textAutor na temelju novobjavljenih izvora
upotpunjuje povijest Lucićeva ljetnikovca u Hvaru.
Također pretpostavlja postojanje građevina i
prije podizanja ljetnikovca. Uspoređujući Morarijevu
vizitaciju iz 1630. g. s tragovima vrata na
sjevernom i južnom ulomku ogradnog zida, autor
donosi zaključak o izvornoj hortikulturnoj koncepciji
sklopa.The ground plan of the Lucić Villa in Hvar shows that the perimeter of the building was inherited from an earlier garden. But the lower parts of the northern wall show a structure different to that of the other walls, suggesting the existing of a perimeter wall even before Lucić built his villa. The southern wall of the garden also shows differences in structure, as well as a number of traces of the joining of walls, possibly of older apertures and a number of pigeon holes of unclear purpo- se, which suggests a confirmation of the hypothesis that there was a building there before the operations of Lucić. Not far from the Lucić complex, fifty or so metres to the NE, there were up to the 1950s visible walls, most probably of a Roman villa rustica. This is a site that is today almost entirely devastated but once provided a great many finds, urns, lamps, tegulae, pillars, amphorae and among other things the inscription CIL III, 3091. The existence of older wall structures at the complex, and the undoubted one-time existence of a villa rustica some ten metres to the NE, suggests that the villa was built on the site of a Roman period villa, which would tend to confirm that the heritage of antiquity was truly a precedent for the construction of the villa of Renaissance poet, translator of Ovid, Hanibal Lucić. In a will of 1584 together with a codicil of 1590 Julija Lucić, the daughter in law and general heir to the assets of Lucić, left the villa to the Jesuits or to two priests, should the Jesuits not arrive in Hvar. The oldest visitation of the complex that was carried out on January 20, 1603, by vicar General Andria Nembri says that the garden was at that time lea- sed to Abbot Delfin, and to two priests, the Bishop’s nephew Juraj Cedulin, who was then studying in Perugia, and Peregrin Gariboldi, then in Rome to do with his canonicate. In a visitation of 1630 Morari found at the villa the priest Ivan Mekjanić, who had been installed by the beneficiary of the complex Federico Grisogono, nephew of Bishop Cedulin. In the words of Mekjanić, Grisogono was a youth of 24 who had never lived in Hvar. In 1654 Bishop Vicenzo Milani decided to organise the bishopric’s seminary in the complex, and ordered an inscription to be carved on the gate of the complex to the effect.
The earliest news from the 19th century derives from the session of the local authority during the period of French rule, on February 15, 1809, when the cha- irman Alvis Bučić moved the proposition that the gardens of the Lucić complex should be turned into the city cemetery. However, the impoverishment of the war years spared the gardens from being turned into a municipal facility of this kind; instead of paying a rental to the bishopric, on February 16, 1812 the government was asked to release the area of the one-time Augustinian monastery of St Nic- holas for use as a new cemetery. During the 19th century the villa was let out to many private persons, and from 1933 on it was the farm of the Hvar hotels of the time, to the horror of conservator L. Karaman, concerning which Vladimir Nazor wrote a poetic epistle. During the 1950s it was restored under the guidance of C. Fisković and D. Domančić. As well as the gate in the central part of the north wall of the garden, often thought to be the only entrance into the complex, Lucić’s villa has two more entrances, via which the inner areas of
the complex could be accessed from the street. The walled up door is visible in the NW corner of the complex, at the spot where the northern and western walls meet, and also alongside the SW corner of the main house of the complex. Comparing the location of the walled-up doors with the Morari description of the complex of 1630, it can be assumed that the original Lucić conception was placing the closed garden into flat area that had a raised paved walkway around all four walls of the garden, placed on sub-walls, arched over with a pergola on small stone pillars. The central walk was there above all to enable access
to the well, the centre of the garden, certainly vaulted with a pergola on stone pillars. The original communication was established diagonally, and not perpendicularly across the middle of the garden, which is the case today. Thus the door in the central part of the northern wall of the complex and the door in the southern wall of the gar- den, from which the staircase went on to the southern wall of the complex were made subsequently and do not belong to the original organisation of the complex. According to Morari the garden was planted with citrus trees. The garden then was much more closed and medieval than could be guessed from its current situation, and Lucić, in the retention of the medieval conception of the garden was not isolated; indeed, from an analysis of the literary sources it can be concluded that it stayed that way until the early 17th century.
The Lucić garden with its walls that from the parterre provided a view only of the sky and the peaks of the surrounding hills, with the well in the centre, mar- ked with its two tailed mermaids known from the early Middle Ages, was shaped like the space itself: closed and symbolic
Preventing Chronic Disease (PCD)
No full textIntroductionCooking programs have been used to promote healthful eating among people of all ages. This review assesses the evidence on childhood cooking programs and their association with changes in food-related preferences, attitudes, and behaviors of school-aged children.MethodsWe systematically searched PubMed, Ovid-Medline, and CINAHL (Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature) databases. We included primary research articles that involved cooking education programs for children and searched reference lists for eligible articles. Studies considered for review contained a hands-on cooking intervention; had participants aged 5 to 12 years; were published in a peer-reviewed journal on or after January 1, 2003; and were written in English. We used the Effective Public Health Practice Project Quality Assessment Tool for Quantitative Studies to rate the strength of each article and assess bias. The following information was extracted from each study: study design, sample size, location, duration, intervention components, data collection methods, and outcomes.ResultsEight studies met the inclusion criteria and used cooking education to influence children\u2019s food-related preferences, attitudes, and behaviors. Programs varied in duration, evaluation methods, and outcomes of interest. Self-reported food preparation skills, dietary intake, cooking confidence, fruit and vegetable preferences, attitudes toward food and cooking, and food-related knowledge were among the outcomes measured. Program exposure ranged from 2 sessions to regular instruction over 2 years, and the effect of cooking programs on children\u2019s food-related preferences, attitudes, and behaviors varied among the reviewed studies.ConclusionsFindings suggest that cooking programs may positively influence children\u2019s food-related preferences, attitudes, and behaviors. However, because study measurements varied widely, determining best practices was difficult. Further research is needed to fill knowledge gaps on ideal program length, long-term effects, and usefulness of parent engagement, tasting lessons, and other intervention components
Use value of Plant Species on the Island of Lošinj
No full textOtok Lošinj u povijesti je bio poznata pomorska sila zbog glasovitih brodogradilišta, a danas je težište na unapređenju razvoja turizma. Još 1892. godine proglašen je klimatskim lječilištem zahvaljujući profesoru Ambrozu Haračiću i njegovim meteorološkim istraživanjima. Taj je prirodoslovac krajem 19. stoljeća pošumio dio otoka alepskim (Pinus halepensis Mill.) i crnim borom (Pinus nigra Arnold) i time stvorio uvjete za obnovu autohtone vegetacije, a u svojim botaničkim istraživanjima utvrdio je više od 1000 biljnih vrsta. Njih 939 pripada autohtonoj flori, a oko 80 uglavnom egzotičnih vrsta donijeli su lošinjski pomorci. Brojne biljne vrste imaju ukrasnu važnost, utječu na mikroklimu i aerosol te se ističu raznolikom uporabnom vrijednošću, a samo neke od njih su: kadulja (Salvia officinalis L.), lovor (Laurus nobilis L.), mirta (Myrtus communis L.), primorska ciklama (Cyclamen repandum Sibth. et Sm.) i mnoge druge.In history, the island of Lošinj was a well-known naval power due to its famous shipyards, and today's focus is on the tourism development. Back in 1892, the island was proclaimed as climatic health resort due to Professor Ambroz Haračić's meteorological observation. At the end of the 19th century, this scientist reforested parts of the island with Aleppo pine (Pinus halepensis Mill.) and black pine (Pinus nigra Arnold) which created conditions for the restoration of indigenous flora. In his botanical research, he identified more than 1000 plant species - 939 of them belong to indigenous flora and 80 (mostly exotic species) were brought by sailors. Many plant species have ornamental importance, impact on the microclimate and aerosol or diverse use value and some of them are sage (Salvia officinalis L.), laurel (Laurus nobilis L.), myrtle (Myrtus communis L.), spring sowbread (Cyclamen repandum Sibth. et Sm.) and many others
Croatian emigrants in Venice , church of the Holy Sepulchre and Ambrose Anthony Kapić archbishop of Bar
No full textSredišnja tema rada odnosi se na hrvatske iseljenike i njihove veze s mletačkom crkvom S. Sepolcro kao i na kameni natpis o obnovi te crkve iz 1582. godine. U tekstu natpisa glavni je protagonist – crkveni dostojanstvenik koji je predvodio svečanost posvećenja – barski nadbiskup Ambroz Antun Kapić. U prvome dijelu rada potanko se, tragom arhivskih vrela (bilježničke oporuke pohranjene u Archivio di Stato di Venezia), opisuju raznovrsne sastavnice koje hrvatske iseljenike povezuju s mletačkom crkvom S. Sepolcro. Drugi dio rada odnosi se na život i djelovanje nadbiskupa Kapića (prvoga barskog nadbiskupa nakon pada Bara pod Osmanlije 1571. godine) te kameni zapis uklesan na nekadašnjoj crkvi S. Sepolcro. Naglašava se da su upravo barski iseljenici – više od drugih iseljenika s istočne obale Jadrana – prednjačili u vezama s crkvom i samostanom S. SepolcroThe main topic of this article covers Croatian emigrants and their relations with the Venetian church of Santo Sepolcro. Moreover, author analyzes a stone inscription from 1582 about the renovation of this church. According to the inscription’s text the chief protagonist
of the church’s consecration ceremony was Ambrose Anthony Kapić archbishop of Bar. Therefore, in the first part of the article author analyzes preserved archival sources (notarial testaments kept in the Archvio di Stato di Venezia), and reconstructs various relations between the Croatian emigrants in Venice and aforementioned church of Santo Sepolcro. The second part of this article describes life and work of archbishop Kapić as the first archbishop of Bar after the Ottoman occupation of Bar in 1571. Within this author analyzes aforementioned stone inscription, and in the conclusion author emphasizes that the emigrants from Bar were the most numerous group of Venetian immigrants that had various relations with the church and monastery of Santo Sepolcro
Measurement of the production cross section for a Higgs boson in association with a vector boson in the H -> WW* -> l nu l nu channel in pp collisions at root s=13 TeV with the ATLAS detector
No full textA measurement of the Higgs boson production cross sections via associated WH and ZH production using H -> WW* -> l nu l nu decays, where l stands for either an electron or a muon, is presented. Results for combined WH and ZH production are also presented. The analysis uses events produced in proton-proton collisions collected with the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider in 2015 and 2016. The data correspond to an integrated luminosity of 36.1 fb(-1) recorded at a centre-of-mass energy of 13 TeV. The products of the H -> WW* branching fraction times the WH and ZH cross sections are measured to be 0.67(-0.27)(+0.31)(stat.)(-0.14)(+0.18)(syst.) pb and 0.54(-0.24)(+0.31)(stat.)(-0.07)(+0.15)(syst.) pb respectively, in agreement with the Standard Model predictions. (C) 2019 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V
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