1,720,978 research outputs found
From de-europeanisation to anti-western populism: Turkish foreign policy in flux
No full textKaliber, Alper/0000-0002-0160-8566; ESRA, KALIBER/0000-0003-4231-3040Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey's Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the 'other' of Turkish political identity.Erasmus+ Programme of the European UnionThis research has been conducted with the support of the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union
Re-engaging the self/other problematic in post-positivist international relations: the 1964 expulsion of Greeks from Istanbul revisited
No full textKaliber, Alper/0000-0002-0160-8566By critically engaging with the critical constructivist and post-structuralist accounts of foreign policy, this study examines the mass expulsion from Turkey of Istanbul Greeks in 1964 and 1965. As forms of radical post-positivism, these approaches provide ample insights to understand how this expulsion and the Cyprus conflict have become instrumental for reinscribing both Turkish national identity and the expelled Greeks as its inimical/threatening other. Noting that radical post-positivism focused on specific foreign policy cases in specific periods of time tends to overlook the role and significance of state-building processes in the configuration and negotiation of self/other interactions, this study argues that the gross violence in Cyprus in the 1960s was utilized to justify the economic, social and cultural marginalization of Istanbul Greeks as well as their premeditated expulsion. However, the Greek expulsion may be fully comprehended only when it is contextualized within the minority regime shaped throughout the formation of the Turkish nation state in 1923
De-europeanisation of civil society and public debates in Turkey: The Kurdish question revisited
No full textKaliber, Alper/0000-0002-0160-8566This study discusses the dynamics of de-Europeanisation and the changing impact of Europe on the politically mobilised civil society involved in the public debates concerning Turkey's Kurdish question. The article first critically assesses how and in what ways the legal and constitutional reforms on the freedom of assembly required by the European Union (EU) changed the political structure in which civil society organisations (CSOs) operate in Turkey. It then examines the views of CSOs on the potential roles and limitations of the EU in the Kurdish question and the peace process which lasted between March 2013 and July 2015. It also delineates the reasons why the political context of Europeanisation is not seen as instrumental by these CSOs to framing and justifying their arguments.European CommissionEuropean CommissionEuropean Commission Joint Research Centre [CIG10-GA-2011-294307EUROCIV]This paper is based on my research 'Europeanisation of Public Debates and Civil Society in Turkey' (EUROCIV) funded by the Marie Curie Career Integration Grant under the 7th Framework Programme of the European Commission (Contract No.: CIG10-GA-2011-294307EUROCIV)
Evaluation of climate change policies in the context of environmental security in Pakistan
Get PDFA new security context centred on alternative principles and solutions in the environmental
framework has evolved as a result of the more visible effects of environmental degradation
and the inability of traditional security concepts to provide effective treatments.
Environmental security had entered the literature as the idea of security expanded in the Cold
War era. To identify who the subject is or ought to be secured, the problem has been
examined in a variety of ways by common, human, and ecological security approaches. The
framework of this study is based on the notion of environmental security and various
approaches to it in this context. Due to its detrimental physical consequences on the
environment, which make it the most difficult environmental problem in the world, climate
change is perceived as a security threat to the environment. The purpose of this study is to
investigate how perceptions of environmental security may affect climate change. Although
human activities and natural processes both are the reason of climate change, it is generally
agreed that anthropogenic (human-induced) effects are what make these problems worse.
Since the years when the impacts of change were acknowledged and added to the
international community's agenda, there has been an ongoing negotiating process. Pakistan is one of the important players in this process because of its size, location, political unrest,
and geopolitical position, which all connect to difficulties with climate change. Pakistan is
chosen as a case study in this context to assess climate change policies from an
environmental security viewpoint; as a result, general security issues, as well as climate
change-related policies, and perceptions of security in Pakistan, have been examined. The
literature review approach was utilized to investigate these features, and scientific books,
journals, theses, and online resources were used. The policies of climate change as they are
being practised in Pakistan demonstrate that environmental security has primarily been
viewed from a government-based conventional security perspective. Aside from that, there
is little indication of an ecological approach, even though Pakistan has occasionally been
able to combat climate change using common and human security views
From discourse to policy: analysing frontex in terms of Paris school
Get PDFBu araştırma Avrupa Birliği’nin göçü güvenlikleştirme politikasının nihai vücüt bulmuş
formu olarak Frontex’i ve Frontex’in görevini farklı durumlarda aynı şekilde yerine getirip
getirmediğini inceleyen eleştirel bir yaklaşım sunmaktadır. Göçü güvenlikleştirme
çalışmalarına Schengen Anlaşması ile başladığı kabul edilen Avrupa Birliğinin, aynı amaçla
zaman içerisinde oluşturduğu politikalarına yansıyan farklı kurumlar oluşturduğu
görülmüştür. Avrupa Birliğinin göçü güvenlikleştirme politikasının nihai vücut bulmuş
kurumu Frontex olduğu için çalışma öncelikle söylemlerin nasıl ülkelerin politikaları haline
geldiğini inceleyerek, güvenlik kavramını Paris ve Kopenhag Okulları olmak üzere iki okul
açısından analiz etmekte; sonrasında da AB-Belarus ve AB-Ukrayna sınırlarında yaşanan
son göçmen krizlerine odaklanmaktadır çünkü bu vakalarda Frontex'in rolü belirsiz kalmış,
etkili medya ve uluslararası insan hakları örgütleri Frontex'in insan haklarını koruma ve
insani durumu izleme konusundaki etkinliğini sorgulamışlardır. Belarus ve Ukrayna’daki
göçmenlerin, bütün dünya üzerindekilere oranla, sayılarının az olmasına rağmen Frontex ‘in
farklı yapıdaki göçmen krizlerine yaklaşımını analiz edebilmek için yine bu vakalar iki iyi
örnek oluşturmaktadır. Göçmen krizlerinin güncelliği de aynı zamanda Frontex üzerinden
AB’nin güncel göçmen politikasını anlamakta etkili olacaktır. Normal şartlarda Frontex’in
faaliyetleri, ilgili ülkenin Frontex görevlilerinin ülkelerine konuşlanmasını talep etmesiyle
başlar. Eğer hükümet bu talebi yapmazsa ya da Frontex'in göreve hazır olduğuna dair yaptığı
duyuruyu reddederse, AB- Beyaz Rusya göçmen krizi esnasında Polonya’nın Frontex'in yardımını talep etmediği durumda olduğu gibi, Frontex inisiyatifi ele alıp kendi başına
bölgeye yönelemez. Bu ataletin bir nedeni de Polonya'nın göçmen akınlarına karşı yeterli
personel ve ekipmana sahip olmasıydı. Ancak uluslararası kuruluşlar ve medya, diğer
nedenin, gazetecilerin ve insani yardım kuruluşlarının temsilcilerinin bölgelere girmesini ve
Polonyalı görevlilerin göçmenlere nasıl davrandığına dair bilgi aktarmasını engellemek
olduğunu iddia etti. Bu durumda Frontex görevlileri Romanya'da görevlendirilmiş olsalar
bile, rolleri insan hakları ihlallerini kısıtlamakla sınırlı kalmıştır. Ukrayna göçmen krizinde
Frontex uygulamaları hakkında ise farklı yönde ve ciddi iddilar bulunmaktadır. Frontex
görevlilerinin Ukraynalı göçmenler ile kriz patlak verdiğinde Ukrayna'da bulunan siyahi ve
Ortadoğulu göçmenler arasında ayrımcılık yaptığı görüşü de bu iddilar arasında yer
almaktadır. Bütün bunların ışığında, bu çalışma Paris Okulu teorisinden yola çıkarak AB’nin
göçmen krizlerine karşı politikasını Frontex üzerinden incelemek üzere hazırlanmıştır.
Çalışmada oluşum ve süreçleri birbirinden farklı iki ayrı göçmen krizi seçilerek AB’nin
göçmen politikasındaki anlayışı ortaya çıkarmak amaçlanmıştır.This research presents a critical approach which investigates whether Frontex is an agency
established by the EU as a result of securitization of migration and whether it always
functions in the same way in its duties. It has been observed that the European Union, which
is accepted to have started its policies on securitization of migration with the Schengen
Agreement, has created different institutions for the same purpose, which is reflected in its
policies over time. The study focuses on the recent migrant crises on the EU-Belarus and
EU-Ukraine borders based on the theories of two different Schools namely Paris School and
Copenhagen School within the context of securitization of immigration. Despite the
relatively small numbers of migrants in Belarus Ukraine compared to global figures, the
analysis of Frontex’s approach to different structured migration crisis can be explored
through these cases, which makes them good examples. Furthermore, especially in these
cases Frontex’s role stayed uncertain, and effective media and international human rights
organizations questioned its effectiveness in protecting human rights and monitoring the
humanitarian situation. In the ordinary course of events, activities of Frontex start with the
relevant country’s request for the Frontex officers to deploy to their countries. If the
government misses the request or rejects Frontex’s announcement so that they are ready for
the mission, Frontex cannot take the initiative and direct toward the area by itself as it was
in Poland’s case where Frontex’s assistance was not requested. One reason for that inertia
was that Poland had enough personnel and equipment against the migrant flows. But international organizations and media claimed that the other reason was to prevent the
journalists and humanitarian organizations’ agents from entering areas in order to convey
information about how the Polish officers treated the migrants. Even if Frontex officers were
deployed in Romania in this case, their roles stayed limited to restrict human rights
violations. Conversely, the allegations against Frontex implementations involved the
Ukrainian migrant crisis. Amidst the claims is the notion that Frontex officers engaged in
discriminated between Ukrainian migrants and black or Middle Eastern migrants who had
been in Ukraine when the crisis broke out. Against this background, this study has been
prepared to examine the EU’s policy on migration crisis through the lens of Paris School
theory, by focusing on Frontex. The aim of the study is to illuminate the EU’s understanding
of migration policies by selecting two distinct migration crises with different formations and
processes
ABD'nin Irak'a saldırma nedenleri ve adil savaş teorisine göre sonuçları
No full textYüksek LisansSavaş ve barış etiği konusunda entelektüel gelenek yüzyıllardır gelişmektedir. Ahlaki ve yasal bakış açısından, savaşın adil olması için uyulması gereken ahlaki kuralları ortaya koymaktadır. Sonuç olarak, güç kullanan ve savaşa başvuran kuvveti bazı ahlaki temel ve gerekçelere dayanarak makul sınırlar içerisinde tutan Adil Savaş teorisi geliştirilmiştir. Teori, savaş davranışının değerlendirmesini belirleyen bir dizi kriter ve ilkeye dayanmaktadır. Bu çalışma 2003 yılında ABD'nin Irak'a yönelik işgalini Adil Savaş teorisine göre değerlendirmeyi ve ABD'nin teorinin ilkelerine ne derece bağlı olduğunu ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Analitik yaklaşıma ve ilgili çalışmalara dayanarak yapılan araştırmada, Irak savaşının adil olmadığı varsayılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonuçları değişen savaş kesinliğini aynı hizada tutmak ve devletlerin teoride ortaya konan etik standartlara uymalarını sağlamak için Adil Savaş teorisinin ciddi bir incelemesinin bulunduğunu göstermektedir. Çalışmanın bulguları uluslararası hukuk açısından bakıldığında saldırı ve sonuçları bakımından ABD'nin Irak'a karşı başlattığı savaşı makul gerekçelere dayandırmak için güçlü argümanlar sağlayamadığını göstermiştir. Bunun aynı sıra, ABD Irak'a ait olduğu iddia edilen herhangi bir kitle imha silahı bulamamış ve ABD savaş sırasındaki ahlaki olmayan uygulama ve davranışlarını haklı çıkaracak herhangi bir makul gerekçe gösterememiştir. ABD kuvvetlerinin Irak'tan çekilmesi, Irak'ı mezhepsel çatışmalar, siyasi baskı ve giderek artan gerginlikten oluşan bir kaosa sürüklemiştir. ABD'nin Irak işgali, ABD'yi Adil Savaş teorisine göre ahlaki standartlardan uzaklaştırmıştır. Teorinin uygulanabilirliği üzerine çoğu literatürün işgalle ilgili olarak yalnızca savaş hukuku ve savaşın meşruluğunu ele alındığı ve nadiren savaş sonrası adaletin tartışıldığı göz önüne alındığında, bu tez Irak işgaline bakışı etkileyen maddi ve makul nedenleri ve Adil Savaş teorisinin üç kriterinin birleşimine katkıda bulunmaktadır. Buna ilaveten, çalışma üç adil savaş teorisinin tüm ilkelerini tartışmakta ve tam ve ayrıntılı bir analiz sunmaktadır.Over the centuries, intellectual tradition has evolved about the ethics of war and peace. It set out, from a moral and legal perspective, the moral rules that must be followed in order for war to be fair. As a result, the theory of Just War, which reasonable the force use and resorting to war based on certain moral grounds and justifications, was developed. The theory is based on a number of criteria and principles that determine the assessment of the behavior of war. The current study aims to assess the 2003 US led invasion of Iraq according to a Just War theory and the US commitment to the principles of the theory. Depending on the analytical approach and based on the relevant studies, the study assumed that the war on Iraq had not been fair. The results of the study indicate that there is a serious review of the Just War theory in order to keep abreast of the varying certainties of war and ensure that states obey with the ethical standards set forth in the theory. The findings of the study showed from the viewpoint of international law that the United States was not able to provide strong arguments to prove its claim of war against Iraq in terms of any justification of the attack and its consequences. Moreover, The United States did not find any weapons of mass destruction purportedly to be possessed by Iraq, nor could the United States justify its immoral practices and behavior during the war. The withdrawal of US forces from Iraq had led to chaos leaving Iraq suffering from sectarian violence, political repression and growing tension. The US invasion of Iraq distanced the US from any moral standards according to the Just War theory This thesis contributes to the combination of the three criteria of a Just War theory, and the submission of substantive and logical influences to the general sympathetic of the invasion of Iraq that is in itself a rare because most literature on the theory applicability relating to the invasion of Iraq discusses only jus ad bellum and jus in bello principles in relation to the invasion and seldom argues jus post bellum. Moreover, the study discusses all the principles of the three fair war theories, and it provides a complete and detailed analysis
Türkiye'de siyasi elitlerin Suriyeli göçmenlere yönelik söylemlerinin güvenlikleştirme kuramı ile analizi
Get PDFGöç olgusu, söz edimiyle siyasallaştırılmaktadır. Göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi, güvenlikleştirici
aktör tarafından hedef ülkenin ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel yapısı gibi hususların korunabilmesi
amacıyla kural dışı önlemlerin alınabilmesi için yetki talep edilmesidir. Göçün güvenlikleştirme
sürecinde, hayati bir tehdit olarak gösterilen göç olgusunun bertaraf edilmesi kapsamında kural
dışı eylemleri meşrulaştırma çabaları yer almaktadır. Suriye iç savaşı nedeniyle, Türkiye’ye kitlesel
olarak göç gelmiştir. Suriyeli göçmenlerin, bu durumu Türkiye’de toplumsal ve siyasal alanda
olumlu/olumsuz durumlarını meydana gelmiştir. Kopenhag okulu güvenlikleştirici yaklaşım
çerçevesinde Suriyeli göçmenlerin durumlarını, Türkiye’de ki siyasal iki seçkin aktörün
değerlendirmesiyle siyasal ve ekonomik yönlerini inceleyeceğiz. CHP lideri Kılıçdaroğlu ile AKP
lideri Erdoğan’ın Suriyeli göçmenlere yönelik güvenlikleştirici ve güvenlik dışılaştırıcı
söylemlerini Kopenhag Okulu'nun güvenlikleştirici kuramı çerçevesinde analizine yer vereceğiz.The phenomenon of immigration politicizes by taking action. No authority is demanded to take
extraordinary measures in order to protect the economic, social and economic structure targeted
by the security, the securitizing and the securing actor. The security configuration of migration is
used as a vital threat. Due to the civil war in Syria, Turkey has caused to migrate as massive to come.
Syrian immigrants, in this case Turkey in social and political fields in the positive / negative status
of occurred. We will include the analysis of CHP leader Kılıçdaroğlu and AKP leader Erdoğan's
securitizing and desecuritizing discourses towards Syrian migrants within the framework of the
securitizing theory of the Copenhagen School
De-Europeanisation through discourse: a critical discourse analysis of AKP's election speeches
Get PDFIntroduction: encounters with Europe in an era of domestic and international turmoil: is Turkey a De-Europeanising candidate country?
No full textAdvanced democracy: shifts and challenges in the debate on ”Europe”
No full textThis comprehensive edited volume conceptually develops the notion of 'de-Europeanisation' as an important development in the literature on Europeanisation, and applies it specifically to the case of Turkey. 'De-Europeanisation' is defined as the loss or weakening of the EU/Europe as a normative/political context and as a reference point in domestic settings and national public debates of both candidate and member countries. 'De-Europeanisation' manifests itself in two basic ways: as the weakening of the appeal and influential capacity of European institutions, policies, norms and values, leading to a retreat of EU/ Europe as a normative/political context for society and politics in a candidate/member state; and as growing scepticism and indifference in a given society towards the EU/Europe, risking the legitimacy of the EU/Europe as a reference point in cases even where reform is incurred. Using this concept, the authors analyse the diminishing impact of the EU in Turkish governance and politics after the opening of accession negotiations in October 2005. The relevance of 'de-Europeanisation' is investigated through ten chapters focusing on key policy areas including education, migration, democracy, the rule of law and media freedoms, and a number of key actors including civil society organisations, political parties and political leaders. This book was originally published as a special issue of South European Society and Politics
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