1,720,964 research outputs found
Kenya's power-sharing agreement, 2008 : a consociational formula?
Full text linkAbstract not available.Thesis(M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010
Malawi's transition from neo-colonial rule : from a 'culture of silence to a clamour of voices?'
Full text linkThesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.The phrase a 'culture of silence' is attributed to Jerry Rawlings in the late 1980s, at a time when he was military head of state in Ghana. The irony is that he appeared to be complaining about the 'culture of silence' created by his own military regime. In a 'culture of silence' the masses are mute, that is, they are prohibited from taking part in the transformation of their society. In a neo-colonial state, a 'culture of silence' is imposed on the masses and peace and order are guaranteed by ferocious repression.
The basic premise that motivates this research is that the neo-colonial state, a byproduct of the colonial state was influential in imposing the 'culture of silence' and fear in the lives of ordinary people. As such, a defining feature of the neo-colonial state, it is argued, is a 'culture of silence'. Definitions and analysis of the neocolonial state follow lines of arguments put forward by African writers such as Claude Ake, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Mahmood Mamdani. Within this broad paradigm of
neo-colonialism, and analysis of Banda's Malawi is developed which pays particular attention to a 'culture of silence'. This in turn leads to an examination of the effect of liberalization on political and civic space in Malawi. The dissertation then, examines civil society activities, during the period of transition of the Malawian state from de jure one-party to de jure multiparty. Here the key research question are: to what extent has an expansion of political space been accompanied by an expansion of civic space, and how, if at all, do civil society organizations ensure that government pays attention to the diversity of voices of the Malawian people? Are traditionally marginalized voices now heard? The objective is
to examine to what extent the 'culture of silence' has been dismantled in terms of the opening up of political and civic space in order to enable a 'clamour of voices' to be heard
Genocide, citizenship and political identity crisis in postcolonial Africa : Rwanda as case study.
Full text linkThesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.To state that the 1994 Rwandan genocide was one of the most horrific catastrophes that occurred in the 20th century is to restate the obvious. This thesis is an analytical exploration of the root causes of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It explains how Tutsi became non-indigenous Hamities and how Hutu became native indigenous, leaving the two populations to be identified along racial and ethnic lines. In 1933, the Belgians introduced identity cards which specified one‟s ethnic affiliation, giving birth to political identities as Hutu and Tutsi ceased to become cultural identities and became political identities. The identities of Hutu and Tutsi were not only legally enforced, but they also became linked to the governance of the state. Tutsi was now associated with state power and domination, while Hutu was linked with suppression and discrimination. Independent Rwanda, the Hutu took over power and continued to subscribe to some of the colonial racists ideologies and maintained Tutsi and Hutu as political identities. The once oppressed Hutu became the oppressor, whilst the once dominate Tutsi became the oppressed. The victim group construction theories were used in this study to examine the ills of race-branding in independent Rwanda. The Hutu regimes of the First Republic (1962-1973) and the Second Republic (1973-1994), failed to go beyond the colonist‟s strategy of divide and rule and instead continued to apply this racist ideology to bring justice to the Hutu, which turned into revenge for the Tutsi. Hence, this study analysis and evaluates how the citizenship and political identity crisis led to the 1994 Rwandan genocide
A realist perspective on the regional significance of state failure : case study : the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-2006.
No full text M.A. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg 2014.Since the demise of the Cold War, the concept of state failure predominantly has been utilized as a corrective to prevalent approaches designed to promote global peace, development, or humanitarian assistance. These attempts were in accordance with the idealist perspective. However, the events of 11 September in the United States gave rise to the global security concerns. State failure, since then, is no longer regarded as solely located in underdevelopment discourse, but as threat to regional security, and ultimately to global security. The concept of „failed state‟ increasingly is making an impact on security discourse.
This dissertation explores the security threats posed by failed states to regional stability viewed from a realist perspective. It elucidates the historical trajectories of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which led it to definitively become a failed state. Although the causes of the Congo‟s failure, seemingly, originate from Belgian colonization and Cold War rivalries, post-independence Congolese political and military elites have maintained and increased its weakness, through secession wars, rebellions, corruption and poor governance. This dissertation contributes to the existing literature on the impact of state failure on regional security by demonstrating why and how, in addition to poor leadership, the DRC has been paralysed by continued conflicts over its natural resources fuelled by regional and global actors in collusion with domestic actors.
In particular, the case-study investigates the impact of the 1996-2006 DRC civil wars on the Great Lakes Region. The research demonstrates the extent to which the DRC has been weakened by a combination of the following problematics: past security conditions; absence of sufficient military capability to defend its borders; and inadequate provision of law and order within its territory. In consequence, Congo has become a vortex of regional rivalry and contention
The problematic of women empowerment in Tanzania from 1984-2008.
Full text linkThesis (M. (School of Politics))-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.No abstract available
Analyzing the role of Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe (2007-2013).
No full textM. Soc. Sc. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg 2014.Twenty years ago, Zimbabwe was hailed as the “bread basket” of the Southern African region, unfortunately Zimbabwe has now become a basket case for its neighboring countries and beyond Africa. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is indeed a typical example of post-colonial state failure in Africa. Zimbabwe is facing a multidimensional crisis which has negative effects on its citizens and has resulted in an overflow of refugees into neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Botswana among others. This then has increasingly led to a situation whereby the neighboring countries have realized that they have a crucial role to play in trying to resolve the issues in Zimbabwe for the stabilization of the region and the country. The effort of these neighboring countries towards transforming the Zimbabwean crisis was prominently done through the regional body, SADC. This study analyses and examines SADC’s role in trying to resolve the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The study interrogates the methods or strategies which SADC used to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis, as they gave South Africa a mediating role to try and resolve the crisis. The study adopts and recommends Transformative Mediation theory as an explanatory and analytical framework. Transformative Mediation theory is based on empowering the disputing parties, and enhancing each party's recognition of the other. Empowerment and recognition are two key concepts of Transformative Mediation. These concepts are essential analytical tools in evaluating whether or not SADC’s mediation efforts succeeded in resolving the crisis. The study concludes by reflecting on how SADC can strengthen its crisis and conflict mediation mechanisms and techniques
United States Africa command and human security in Africa.
Full text linkPh. D. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg 2016.Since 2005, the United States (US) has shifted its justification for the militarization of the African continent to the more humanitarian security-development discourse. This apparent paradigmatic shift presents the United States African Command as more benign than it may be. However, the response to the emergence of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) has ranged from wholesale condemnation to selective criticism of US policy. Skeptics of AFRICOM cite previous US military forays in Africa which led to a disproportionate development of military institutions relative to instruments of civilian rule. Others see AFRICOM as a naked attempt to exert American control over Africa’s valuable natural resources (Taguem, 2010, Esterhuyse, 2008, Isike, Uzodike and Gilbert, 2008, 2009).
On 11th July 2009, while addressing Ghana’s Parliament, President Barack Obama remarked that Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war but nonetheless, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. He reiterated that America has responsibility to ameliorate the deplorable human security condition of Africans not just in words, but with support that strengthens Africans’ capacity (President Obama’s address to Ghana’s Parliament July 11, 2009). In his 2010 National Security Strategy (NNS), President Obama called for partnership with African nations as they grow their economies, and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance. In June 2012, he approved Presidential policy directives that outline his vision for sub- Saharan Africa. The stated pillars of US strategy towards Africa are to strengthen democratic institutions, to spur economic growth, trade and investment, advancement of peace and security, and the promotion of opportunities and development by promoting food security and transforming Africa’s public health system (US.Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, 2012). The achievement of these stated goals is incumbent on the third goal which AFRICOM is expected to spearhead.
Africans predominantly see Washington’s profession of concern for development and security as transparent cover for hegemonic assertions of “Imperialist power” (Stevenson, 2011:28). However, these debates have been based on conjectures informed by a historical review of major power involvement with Africa. There is a need to move from these conjectural debates to provide empirical details of AFRICOM activities and their consequences for human security in Africa. This study therefore contributes to this debate by investigating AFRICOM’s activities since its formation in 2007. The series of activities by AFRICOM on the continent and its intervention in security situations in Libya, Mali, Nigeria and Somalia makes this study very promising in light of the study’s engagement with the strategic possibilities of AFRICOM through a critical review of the objective security conditions in Africa within a changing global security context. The research identifies the nexus between AFRICOM and human security in Africa. By doing so, it articulates the security concerns of African States and contributes to discussions on, and practices of, alternative ways of providing human security to African people(s).
This study argues that the lopsided power relationship between the United States of America and Africa engendered the imposition of AFRICOM on Africans without due consultation with the African Union (AU), while the multi-faceted challenges of poverty, inter-ethnic conflicts, religious intolerance, trans-border crimes and terrorist attacks in Africa induced the US government to categorize the continent as zone of conflicts from whence threats to US stability emanate. The thesis also argues that the successful securitization of these threats by United States government engendered the creation of USAFRICOM. The study constructs the above arguments on historical, exploratory, descriptive and critical foundations. The research contains a substantial amount of fieldwork data on which it bases an empirical evaluation and analysis
The quest for hegemony: Kenya, KANU and the 1997 elections within the context of African statehood, democratization and civil society in embryosis.
Full text linkMasters Degree. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg.Abstract available in PDF.Footnote on last page cut off in original
African identity and an African renaissance.
Full text linkThesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2000.Abstract not available
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