340 research outputs found
Fight against terrorism during the presidency of Donal d Trump
No full textOd czasu najbardziej znanego zamachu w 2001 r. walka z terroryzmem stała się ważnym elementem amerykańskiej polityki zagranicznej i jest nim po dziś dzień. Jednakże prowadzona „wojna z terroryzmem” w trakcie kadencji republikańskiego prezydenta Donalda Trumpa jedynie negatywnie wpłynęła na arenę międzynarodową. Dlatego celem tego artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób Trump postrzega terroryzm oraz wykorzystuje zjawisko terroryzmu do realizacji swoich celów politycznych. W związku z tym autor o podejściu konstruktywistycznym przeprowadzi krytyczną analizę oraz porównanie dostępnego piśmiennictwa na temat wybranych wystąpień i działalności D. Trumpa pod względem walki z terroryzmem w okresie od kampanii wyborczej do zakończenia jego prezydentury w latach 2015–2020.The fight against terrorism is still an important element of American external politics since most known terrorism attack in 2001. But “war on terror” made by republican president Donald Trump only gets worse. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine how Trump views on terrorism, leads this war and uses the phenomenon of terrorism to achieve his political goals. Therefore, the author of the constructivist approach will conduct a critical analysis and comparison of the available literature on selected speeches and activities of D. Trump in terms of combating terrorism in the period from the election campaign to the end of his candidacy in 2015–2020
US Policy Toward China During the Presidencies of Donald Trump and Joe Biden: Continuation or Rupture?
No full textNiewątpliwie już za prezydentury Baracka Obamy Azja, a w tym Chiny, stała się kluczowym punktem polityki zagranicznej USA, zaś ogłoszony wówczas tzw. Zwrot ku Azji (Pivot to Asia) był tego niezbitym dowodem. Jednak podczas gdy Obama zdawał się jeszcze traktować Chiny jako swego strategicznego partnera, nie widząc w nich egzystencjalnego zagrożenia, Trump zdecydowanie zmienił to podejście i nadał nowy kierunek amerykańskiej strategii wobec Chin – odtąd Chiny oficjalnie stały się „strategicznym rywalem”, a cel to zahamowanie wzrostu Chin w kluczowych dziedzinach zagrażających bezpieczeństwu USA i ich globalnej hegemonii. Autor stawia tezę, iż Joe Biden w większości kontynuuje zdecydowany kurs Trumpa wobec Chin. Analizując i porównując oficjalne dokumenty rządu USA (Amerykańską Strategię Bezpieczeństwa z 2020 r. i 2022 r. oraz dwa kluczowe dokumenty/przemowy prezentujące podejście USA do Chin podczas administracji Donalda Trumpa i Joe Bidena), autor dochodzi do wniosku, iż obecny prezydent nie tylko kontynuuje kurs swego poprzednika, ale dodatkowo go wzmacnia w kilku wybranych dziedzinach, takich jak wysokie technologie czy ziemie rzadkie. Autor podejmuje również próbę wyjaśnienia przyczyn tej kontynuacji w podejściu USA do Chin.Undoubtedly, already during Barack Obama’s presidency, Asia, including China, became a key point of the US foreign policy, and the so-called “Pivot to Asia” was a great proof for that. However, while Obama still seemed to treat China as a strategic partner, not seeing it as an existential threat, Trump decisively changed this approach and gave a new direction to the American strategy towards China – from then on, China officially became a “strategic rival” and the goal was to slow down its growth in the key areas that threatened US security and its global hegemony. The author puts forward the thesis that Joe Biden mostly continues Trump’s decisive course towards China. Analyzing and comparing official documents of the US government (the American Defence Strategy of 2020 and 2022 and two key documents/speeches presenting the US approach to China during the administrations of Donald Trump and Joe Biden), the author comes to the conclusion that the current president not only continues the course of his predecessor, but also strengthens it in a few selected areas, such as high technologies and rare earths. The author also attempts to explain the reasons for the following continuation in the US approach to China
Assessing the Predictive Value of Parasocial Relationship Intensity in a Political Context
No full text This study explores the ability of parasocial relationships to predict support for political candidates and elected officials. A May 2017 survey of U.S. adults ( N = 2,055) included items that reflect traditional approaches to the study of candidate support (e.g., political party identification, policy agreement) along with several batteries of a newly developed political parasocial relationship (PPSR) measure. This study gives primary attention to predicting support for U.S. President Donald J. Trump, but also focuses on Secretary Hillary Clinton and U.S. Speaker of the House Paul Ryan. Parasocial relations prove to be a powerful predictor of Trump-Support, outperforming all other predictors (including past voting behavior). This study also explores what predicts citizen-politician PPSR. Citizens’ parasocial relationships with Trump are predicted by general political knowledge (–), 2016 Trump voting (+), support for Trump’s policies (+), along with news media exposure (+), and social media following of Trump (+). </jats:p
Partisan media exposure, polarization, and candidate evaluations in the 2016 general election
No full textObjective\r\nThis study aims to examine the influence of Republican and Democratic partisan television news on attitudes toward candidates for president immediately following the 2016 general election.\r\n\r\nMethod\r\nUsing two waves of the 2016 American National Election Study, we examine feelings toward Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton before and after the election.\r\n\r\nResults\r\nExposure to Republican partisan media did have a significant negative effect on feelings toward Hillary Clinton, even when controlling for party identification, ideology, and feelings toward Clinton before the election. Consumption of Democratic partisan television, however, had no influence on feelings toward Donald Trump.\r\n\r\nConclusion\r\nFurther fragmentation and the expansion of partisan media has—and will continue to—benefit Republicans over Democrats
Evolution of broad-line emission from active galactic nuclei
No full textApart from viewing-dependent obscuration, intrinsic broad-line emission from active galactic nuclei (AGN) follows an evolutionary sequence: type 1 -> 1.2/1.5 -> 1.8/1.9 -> 2 as the accretion rate on to the central black hole is decreasing. This spectral evolution is controlled, at least in part, by the parameter L-bol/M-2/3, where L-bol is the AGN bolometric luminosity and M is the black hole mass. Both this dependence and the double-peaked profiles that emerge along the sequence arise naturally in the disc-wind scenario for the AGN broad-line region.Astronomy & AstrophysicsSCI(E)[email protected]
Magellan spectroscopy of AGN candidates in the COSMOS field
No full textWe present spectroscopic redshifts for the first 466 X-ray- and radio-selected AGN targets in the 2 deg2 COSMOS field. Spectra were obtained with the IMACS instrument on the Magellan (Baade) telescope, using the nod-and-shuffle technique. We identify a variety of type 1 and type 2 AGNs, as well as red galaxies with no emission lines. Our redshift yield is 72% down to iAB=24, although the yield is >90% for iAB<22. We expect the completeness to increase as the survey continues. When our survey is complete and additional redshifts from the zCOSMOS project are included, we anticipate ~1100 AGNs with redshifts over the entire COSMOS field. Our redshift survey is consistent with an obscured AGN population that peaks at z~0.7, although further work is necessary to disentangle the selection effects. Based on observations with the NASA/ESA Hubble Space Telescope, obtained at the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by AURA, Inc., under NASA contract NAS 5-26555 and based on data collected at the Magellan Telescope, which is operated by the Carnegie Observatories
HST emission line galaxies at z similar to 2: comparing physical properties oflyman alpha and optical emission line selected galaxies
No full textArtículo de publicación ISIWe compare the physical and morphological properties of z similar to 2 Ly alpha emitting galaxies (LAEs) identified in the HETDEX Pilot Survey and narrow band studies with those of z similar to 2 optical emission line selected galaxies (oELGs) identified via HST WFC3 infrared grism spectroscopy. Both sets of galaxies extend over the same range in stellar mass (7.5 < log M/M-circle dot < 10.5), size (0.5 < R < 3.0 kpc), and star formation rate (similar to 1 < SFR < 100 M-circle dot yr(-1)). Remarkably, a comparison of the most commonly used physical and morphological parameters-stellar mass, half-light radius, UV slope, SFR, ellipticity, nearest neighbor distance, star formation surface density, specific SFR, [O III] luminosity, and [O III] equivalent width-reveals no statistically significant differences between the populations. This suggests that the processes and conditions which regulate the escape of Ly alpha from a z similar to 2 star-forming galaxy do not depend on these quantities. In particular, the lack of dependence on the UV slope suggests that Ly alpha emission is not being significantly modulated by diffuse dust in the interstellar medium. We develop a simple model of Ly alpha emission that connects LAEs to all high-redshift starforming galaxies where the escape of Ly alpha depends on the sightline through the galaxy. Using this model, we find that mean solid angle for Ly alpha escape is Omega(Ly alpha) = 2.4 +/- 0.8 steradians; this value is consistent with those calculated from other studies.NSF, German Research Council (DFG), NASA/JPL SURP Program, NAS
Metaphor as a means of manipulation (on the material of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump debates)
No full textРабота посвящена исследованию роли метафоры как средства манипулирования в политическом дискурсе, на примере дебатов между Хиллари Клинтон и Дональдом Трампом во время президентской кампании 2016 года. Автор анализирует использование метафор и их влияние на аудиторию, раскрывая механизмы манипуляции, которые лежат в основе такого использования. Работа имеет целью повысить информированность читателей и помочь им развить более осознанный подход к политическим сообщениям, основанный на анализе метафорического языка и его эффектах на аудиторию. Целью данного исследования является анализ роли метафоры в политическом дискурсе, а также раскрытие механизмов манипуляции, которые связаны с использованием метафор. В исследовании автор стремится более глубоко понять, как политические лидеры могут использовать метафоры для воздействия на аудиторию, формирования определенных образов и манипуляции мнениями людей. В результате исследования автор выявил ряд ключевых результатов. Во-первых, оба кандидата активно использовали метафоры в своих выступлениях и дебатах. Хиллари Клинтон использовала метафоры, связанные с образованием и экономикой, чтобы подчеркнуть свою экспертизу и стабильность. Дональд Трамп же в своих метафорах обращался к насилию, угрозам и созданию образа «американского героя». Во-вторых, метафоры, используемые обоими кандидатами, имели сильное эмоциональное воздействие на аудиторию. Они создавали определенные ассоциации, вызывали эмоциональные реакции и убеждали слушателей в правоте высказываемых идей и политических взглядов. В-третьих, анализ метафор позволил выявить механизмы манипуляции, используемые в политическом дискурсе. Оба кандидата использовали метафоры, чтобы создать определенные образы, усилить эмоциональные реакции и вызвать у избирателей чувство кризиса и необходимости перемен. Исследование подчеркивает важность осознания и критического анализа метафорического языка в политическом дискурсе. Понимание механизмов манипуляции при помощи метафор позволяет развить более информированное и осознанное отношение к политическим сообщениям и повысить критическую грамотность восприятия политической риторики.This paper is devoted to the study of the role of metaphor as a means of manipulation in political discourse, using the example of debates between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential campaign. The author analyzes the use of metaphors and their impact on the audience, revealing the mechanisms of manipulation that underlie such use. The work aims to raise readers' awareness and help them develop a more informed approach to political messaging based on an analysis of metaphorical language and its effects on audiences. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of metaphor in political discourse, as well as to reveal the mechanisms of manipulation that are associated with the use of metaphors. In the study, the author seeks to better understand how political leaders can use metaphors to influence the audience, form certain images and manipulate people's opinions. As a result of the study, the author identified several key findings. First, both candidates actively used metaphors in their speeches and debates. Hillary Clinton used metaphors related to education and the economy to emphasize her expertise and stability. Donald Trump, on the other hand, in his metaphors turned to violence, threats, and creating an image of an "American hero. Second, the metaphors used by both candidates had a strong emotional impact on the audience. They created certain associations, evoked emotional reactions, and persuaded listeners of the validity of the ideas and political views expressed. Third, the analysis of metaphors revealed the manipulation mechanisms used in political discourse. Both candidates used metaphors to create certain images, enhance emotional reactions, and evoke a sense of crisis and the need for change among voters. The study highlights the importance of awareness and critical analysis of metaphorical language in political discourse. Understanding the mechanisms of manipulation through metaphors allows us to develop a more informed and conscious attitude toward political messages and to increase the critical literacy of the perception of political rhetoric
Galaxy Zoo: Are bars responsible for the feeding of active galactic nuclei at 0.2 \u3c z \u3c 1.0?
No full textNo More Active Galactic Nuclei in Clumpy Disks Than in Smooth Galaxies at z~2 in CANDELS/3D-HST
No full textWe use CANDELS imaging, 3D-HST spectroscopy, and Chandra X-ray data to investigate if active galactic nuclei (AGNs) are preferentially fueled by violent disk instabilities funneling gas into galaxy centers at 1.3 < z < 2.4. We select galaxies undergoing gravitational instabilities using the number of clumps and degree of patchiness as proxies. The CANDELS visual classification system is used to identify 44 clumpy disk galaxies, along with mass-matched comparison samples of smooth and intermediate morphology galaxies. We note that despite being mass-matched and having similar star formation rates, the smoother galaxies tend to be smaller disks with more prominent bulges compared to the clumpy galaxies. The lack of smooth extended disks is probably a general feature of the z ~ 2 galaxy population, and means we cannot directly compare with the clumpy and smooth extended disks observed at lower redshift. We find that z ~ 2 clumpy galaxies have slightly enhanced AGN fractions selected by integrated line ratios (in the mass-excitation method), but the spatially resolved line ratios indicate this is likely due to extended phenomena rather than nuclear AGNs. Meanwhile, the X-ray data show that clumpy, smooth, and intermediate galaxies have nearly indistinguishable AGN fractions derived from both individual detections and stacked non-detections. The data demonstrate that AGN fueling modes at z ~ 1.85—whether violent disk instabilities or secular processes—are as efficient in smooth galaxies as they are in clumpy galaxies
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