404 research outputs found
The European Union’s role in world trade : harnessing globalisation?
No full textTrade is the European Union’s most powerful external policy domain. Taking this statement as a starting point, rather than a conclusion, this chapter addresses several questions relating to Europe’s power in its common commercial policy. First, what exactly are the EU’s internal and external power resources in this domain? What factors contribute to – or qualify – Europe’s capacities to exert power in trade? Second, what about the objectives that are pursued through trade, and Europe’s effectiveness in achieving them? The discussion of the latter will pay particular attention to normative aims. Besides arguing that the EU follows a middle course between old-fashioned protectionism and unbridled free trade, Europe’s ‘harnessing globalisation’ discourse has indeed emphasised that its trade policy promotes development of the South, as well as environmental and social goals. Based on two case studies, the concluding discussion links Europe’s commitment to these objectives with the institutional setting of EU trade policymaking. It suggests that, whereas the EU has become a multilateral and liberal actor in world trade, the hybrid state of European integration constrains its capacity to advance ambitious normative objectives through trade
A civilian power in the world? Instruments and objectives in European Union external policies
No full textThe contributions to this book analyse Europe’s global role, with a particular focus on its various ‘first pillar’3 external policies such as trade, development, humanitarian aid, environment, energy, competition, social issues, and asylum and migration. It also looks at Europe’s role in the ‘near abroad’ through enlargement and neighbourhood policies. The EU is arguably an important international actor in these ‘low politics’ or ‘civilian’ domains. But the degree of the Union’s power in these areas, as well as Europe’s successfulness in reaching the objectives that are pursued through these external policies, remain to be examined. This book aims to take a step in this direction
[Domestic advisory groups in EU trade agreements] : [stuck at the bottom or moving up the ladder?]
No full text[Deborah Martens, Diana Potjomkina, and Jan Orbie}Text georgischGeorgisc
[Domestic advisory groups (DAGs) in EU trade agreements] : [stuck at the bottom or moving up the ladder?]
No full text[Deborah Martens, Diana Potjomkina, Jan Orbie]Text georgischGeorgisc
[Domestic advisory groups (DAG) in EU trade agreements] : [Stuck at the bottom or moving up the ladder?]
No full text[Deborah Martens, Diana Potjomkina, Jan Orbie]Text koreanischKoreanisc
The European Union’s international development policy : leading and benevolent?
No full textThe European Union is often portrayed as a development-friendly actor towards the South. The following quote from the ‘European Consensus on Development’ is illustrative: ‘The EU provides over half of the world’s aid and has committed to increase this assistance, together with its quality and effectiveness’ (EU 2005, 4). Although such statements have been scrutinised by NGOs, Europe’s role in international development has barely been studied in political science (notable exceptions are Lister 1998; Holland 2002; Arts and Dickson 2004; Carbone 2007). Academic research mainly focuses on Europe’s development policies through trade (see Chapter 2), or on the EU’s relations with specific regions, such as Asia, Latin America and, in particular, the former ACP colonies (Africa, Caribbean and Pacific)
Sanctions under the EU's Generalised System of Preferences (GSP): Coherence by Accident?
No full textThis article investigates the relationship between the European Union's withdrawal of trade benefits for developing countries under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and its sanctions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Our expectation is that GSP withdrawals and CFSP sanctions will not cohere. However, our research reveals that GSP suspension has been coherent with CFSP sanctions when the latter exist prior to the decision-making process on GSP sanctions and when the International Labour Organisation has set up a Commission of Inquiry condemning the country, as with Myanmar/Burma and Belarus. The presence of separate institutional frameworks explains the GSP suspension towards Sri Lanka in the absence of CFSP sanctions
The EU’s insistence on reciprocal trade with the ACP group: Economic interests in the driving seat?
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