1,720,979 research outputs found
Replication Data for: Does Shared Social Disadvantage Cause Black-Latino Political Commonality?
No full textShared social disadvantage relative to Whites is assumed to motivate inter-minority political behavior, but we lack causal evidence. Using a survey experiment of 1200 African-Americans, we prompt respondents to consider group social position when evaluating political commonality with Latinos. The experiment describes racial disparities in a randomized domain (education or housing), varies the description of inequality (either Black versus White, Latino versus White, or Black and Latino versus White), and offers half of the respondents a political cue to test whether shared social disadvantage causes Blacks’ perceptions of political commonality with Latinos. We find little evidence of a causal relationship. We conclude that cross-racial minority political coalitions may be more difficult to activate than previously thought
Replication Data for: Do Felony Disenfranchisement Laws (De-)Mobilize? The Case of Surrogate Participation
No full textReplication files for "Do Felony Disenfranchisement Laws (De-)Mobilize? The Case of Surrogate Participation." Please use the first code file "Step 1_Creating Weighted Clean Data.R" to create the two data files used to run the analysis in the code files associated with the paper("Step 2_Replication Code_Article.R") and the appendix ("Step 3_Replication Code_Appendix.R")
Replication Data for: Does Shared Social Disadvantage Cause Black-Latino Political Commonality?
No full textShared social disadvantage relative to Whites is assumed to motivate inter-minority political behavior, but we lack causal evidence. Using a survey experiment of 1200 African-Americans, we prompt respondents to consider group social position when evaluating political commonality with Latinos. The experiment describes racial disparities in a randomized domain (education or housing), varies the description of inequality (either Black versus White, Latino versus White, or Black and Latino versus White), and offers half of the respondents a political cue to test whether shared social disadvantage causes Blacks’ perceptions of political commonality with Latinos. We find little evidence of a causal relationship. We conclude that cross-racial minority political coalitions may be more difficult to activate than previously thought
Replication Data for: Is Sexism for White People? Gender Stereotypes, Race, and the 2016 Presidential Election
No full textReplication dat
Replication Data for: Is Sexism for White People? Gender Stereotypes, Race, and the 2016 Presidential Election
No full textReplication dat
Replication Data for: "Because He is Gay": How Race, Gender, and Sexuality Shape Perceptions of Judicial Fairness
No full textHow does a judge's identity affect perceptions of their ability to preside fairly? We theorize that identity categories operate as ideological cues, and that the public views judges perceived as ideologically proximate as fairer, more impartial, and more inspiring of trust in courts broadly. Using a conjoint survey experiment with a diverse national sample, we find support for this theory and show that race, gender, and especially sexuality are used as ideological cues. The effect of identities is conditioned by respondent partisanship. Democratic respondents trust judges with marginalized identities more than judges with dominant identities. Republicans are relatively indifferent to judges' race or gender, but are significantly less trusting of gay judges. We also uncover limited effects when a judge presides over a case in which their identity is salient. These results suggest that the public doesn't seek descriptive representation as such, but uses identity categories to achieve ideological congruence
Replication Data for: Contact and Context: How Municipal Traffic Stops Shape Citizen Character
No full textReplication data and code for "Contact and Context: How Municipal Traffic Stops Shape Citizen Character."
Please run the file titled "Contact or Context Replication Code.R" before attempting to run the file titled "Contact or Context Replication Code_Appendix.R
Defining Sexism: The Impact of Elite Cues on Conceptualizations and Labeling of Gender-Based Prejudice
No full textHostile sexist attitudes, labeling of sexual harassment, and support for the #MeToo movement vary significantly by partisanship and political ideology (Cassese, Barnes, and Holman 2018; Warren, Schneider, and Gothreau working paper; Conroy 2019). But why do we see such discrepancies in how Republicans and Democrats recognize and perceive sexism? Past literature has shown the impact of partisan elites in shaping mass attitudes within the electorate (Druckman, Peterson, and Slothuus 2013; Zaller 1992). Could elites, both partisan and nonpartisan, impact how individuals label and conceptualize everyday sexism? By fielding an original survey experiment to a nationally representative sample that includes a two-by-two factorial design with an additional control condition, this study explores whether two types of sexist messages from both ingroup partisan and nonpartisan elites can impact partisans’ labeling of sexist incidents, perceptions of the pervasiveness of sexism, and support for government policy to address systemic sexism. Results indicate that modern sexist messages from ingroup partisan elites only significantly decreased Democrats’ labeling of sexism, but a combination of both partisan and nonpartisan elite sexist messages impacted perceptions of pervasiveness of sexism among all partisans. Policy support did not significantly change after exposure to partisan or nonpartisan sexist cues. These findings show the influence that both partisan and nonpartisan elites can have on how the public understands sexism, especially as gender-based issues continue to polarize within the mass electorate.GovernmentBachelors of Arts (BA
Reset The Boundary: State Activism in Juvenile Transfer Reform
No full textLaw and policy are deeply intertwined. States themselves are the main venues to deliberate and implement policies that alter the status quo of juvenile transfer. The policymaking process in some states can increase our ability to understand and predict how others will similarly react. This learning model has been the foundation for juvenile justice reform where lessons are drawn from past successes or failures to keep more youths from incarceration. Legislative and judicial capacity to influence criminal justice reforms are complementary, and there is an ongoing debate on the designated function of the judiciary, whether it should be more active or reserved in front of the high-stakes cases presented to them. My thesis, at least within the context it examines, argues that judicial activism is needed in juvenile transfer reform. Today, all states allow juveniles to be tried as adults for committing certain serious crimes, such as murder, armed robbery, drug trafficking, and so forth. Juveniles can be transferred to criminal court via three pathways: judicial waiver, prosecutorial direct file, and statutory exclusion. By their literal meanings, a judge, a prosecutor, or the state legislature can make decisions about whom could be waived from juvenile court proceedings. The focus of my research is on the last two pathways because they do not require a hearing to determine a youth's eligibility to be tried as an adult. The U.S. Supreme Court in Kent v. United States ruled that every youth falling within the original juvenile court jurisdiction must be afforded a formal discretionary waiver hearing with a counsel present before the youth could be waived to adult court for criminal prosecution. My research explains why eighteen states have overhauled their juvenile transfer systems, but a few others have not seen the fruition of reform efforts. I focus on two types of legislative initiatives: one is Raise the Age (raising the upper age boundary of the juvenile court); the other is limiting the criminal prosecution of certain offenses. I test the theories explaining principal determinants in shaping criminal laws and correctional policies, using the context of juvenile transfer.GovernmentBachelors of Arts (BA
An Experimental Test on the Effects of Digital Framing Disputes on Social Movement Organization’s Mobilization and Organizational Image
No full textFraming disputes within social movement organizations have been shown to damage people’s opinions of the organization and the organization's ability to maintain mobilization. However, the majority of the research surrounding framing disputes has been conducted through case studies at in-person movement meetings. While these town hall-style meetings do still take place, many social movement organizations have begun to utilize social media as a part of their regular interactions with supporters and messaging efforts. This study employs a survey experimental design to examine the effects of online framing disputes on how social movement organizations are perceived and their ability to generate mobilization. Participants were randomly assigned to one of two groups where they were presented with a story about a student-run social movement organization and their use of social media. One group's article included a description of a framing dispute happening in the comments of the organization's posts. They were then polled on their opinions of the organization and how likely they were to willingly interact with the organization and its activities. Findings suggest that while online framing disputes did negatively affect how cohesive participants viewed the social movement organization to be, they did not affect mobilization nor how successful people thought the social movement organization was likely to be. These findings go against the previous findings on the effects of framing disputes in in-person settings, suggesting there is something unique about the digital setting.GovernmentBachelors of Arts (BA
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