144 research outputs found
Ukazatelʹ Otdi͡elenīi͡a srednikh vi͡ekov i ėpokhi vozrozhdenīi͡a /
No full textIncludes index."Pechatano po raspori͡azhenīi͡u Imperatorskago Ėrmitazha"--T.p. verso.Ch. 1. Sobranīe oruzhīi͡a.Mode of access: Internet."Perlstein Jun 18, 1931.
Evolutionary rescue of phosphomannomutase deficiency in yeast models of human disease
No full textThe most common cause of human congenital disorders of glycosylation (CDG) are mutations in the phosphomannomutase gene PMM2, which affect protein N-linked glycosylation. The yeast gene SEC53 encodes a homolog of human PMM2. We evolved 384 populations of yeast harboring one of two human-disease-associated alleles, sec53-V238M and sec53-F126L, or wild-type SEC53. We find that after 1000 generations, most populations compensate for the slow-growth phenotype associated with the sec53 human-disease-associated alleles. Through whole-genome sequencing we identify compensatory mutations, including known SEC53 genetic interactors. We observe an enrichment of compensatory mutations in other genes whose human homologs are associated with Type 1 CDG, including PGM1, which encodes the minor isoform of phosphoglucomutase in yeast. By genetic reconstruction, we show that evolved pgm1 mutations are dominant and allele-specific genetic interactors that restore both protein glycosylation and growth of yeast harboring the sec53-V238M allele. Finally, we characterize the enzymatic activity of purified Pgm1 mutant proteins. We find that reduction, but not elimination, of Pgm1 activity best compensates for the deleterious phenotypes associated with the sec53-V238M allele. Broadly, our results demonstrate the power of experimental evolution as a tool for identifying genes and pathways that compensate for human-disease-associated alleles
Recommended from our members
Navigating neoliberal traps in the pursuit of radical change: Promises and tensions in teacher and community organizing against privatization and school closures in Oakland
No full textStudents, teachers, and communities who suffer the consequences of market based reforms have organized to put an end to neoliberal policies that exacerbate educational inequities, displace Black, Brown, and Indigenous communities, and pave the way for increasing privatization in public education (Buras, 2015; Ferman, 2017; Journey for Justice, 2014; Lipman, 2015, 2017; Rooks, 2017; Scott & Holme, 2016; Syeed, 2019). The growing strength of this movement was evident in the wave of teacher strikes that took place across the U.S. since 2012 that connected neoliberal austerity, privatization, and school closures (Blanc, 2019; Brogan, 2014). Oakland teachers joined this movement when they went on strike in February 2019, demanding higher wages, better working conditions, and increased funding for public schools, but also a halt to the expansion of the charter school sector and an end to school closures. Most often, scholarship on resistance to neoliberal reforms consider teacher activism independently of community organizing (Blanc, 2019; Brogan, 2014; Brown & Stern, 2018; Maton, 2018; Pham & Phillip, 2020; Quinn & Mittenfelner Carl, 2015; Stern & Brown, 2016). While there is wide recognition in the literature on organizing for educational justice of the importance of teacher and community solidarity, few studies examine how this solidarity is nurtured or undermined in the neoliberal context. Teachers and the communities they serve have not always been on the same side education reforms (Perlstein, 2004; Perrillo, 2012; Weiner, 2012), yet neoliberalism thrives by exploiting tensions between the two, particularly in urban areas where most students are Black or Brown yet the teaching force remains disproportionately white (Perrillo, 2012; Weiner, 2012).
This dissertation fills this gap in the literature and offers insights to grassroots teacher and community organizers by examining teacher and community activism against market reforms as part of a broader social movement for educational justice and equity. My theoretical framework attends to how neoliberal multiculturalism shapes the racial politics of advocacy in the new political grid (Henig, 2011; Melamed, 2006; Scott, 2011, 2013) and draws from social movement theories and concepts to analyze how teacher and community activists in Oakland navigated the neoliberal context in their organizing.
Through a case study of grassroots organizing in Oakland against privatization and school closures since the 2011 Occupy Movement galvanized a mass movement against neoliberal capitalism, I answer these research questions:1) How did activist groups reflect on their organizing to stop privatization and school closures in Oakland?2) How did activists shift their framings in response to the political context? How did their framings inform their strategies for organizing?
3) What factors and circumstances facilitated or limited collaboration between teacher and community activists?
Each research question is addressed in a stand-alone journal article. In the first article, Teacher activists’ praxis in the movement against privatization and school closures in Oakland, I demonstrate how strategic decisions to focus on gaining power within the union and to center the leadership of progressive teachers of color helped activist teachers build support for both the strike and the broader movement against privatization, yet also led them to focus on an inside strategy that may undermine their more transformative goals. The second article, Framing the unframeable: How activists articulate the need to stop privatization and school closures, argues that activist groups responded to the complex and evolving political context with more nuanced framings to counter the rhetoric of pro-market reformers and to resonate with broader sectors of city residents. Activists shifted the way they framed their critiques of charter schools, acknowledged the need to transform public schools, and articulated with more specificity the racialized impact of market reforms on Black students and families, yet they continued to struggle with framing in clear and concise messages how race, space, and profit motive drive privatization and school closures. In the third article, Politics, tensions, and possibilities in teacher and community movements to stop privatization and school closures, I argue that though there are persisting challenges to building alliances across teacher and community activist groups, including limited capacity, fragmentation, and racial politics, the experience of trying in vain to stop the school closures can be channeled into a shared sense of outrage and common struggle that can be a unifying force (Ferman, 2017; Mayorga et al., 2020; Warren, 2010).
Teacher and community activists have taken advantage of the opportunities created by the expansion of precarity and disposability that are the direct result of neoliberalism. They have channeled a growing sense of urgency and outrage into building solidarity between teachers and the communities they serve and forming ad hoc coalitions in a fragmented political landscape, allowing them to mount a powerful counterattack to the onslaught of neoliberal austerity policies. At the same time, these activists struggle to navigate the shifted racial politics and power dynamics in a reconfigured political terrain where racial representation within their own movements might work against the pursuit of radical demands for educational and social transformation. Moreover, as activist teachers gain power within their unions and move them toward social justice unionism, they run the risk of losing the capacity to organize from independent spaces outside of the union that afford activists the opportunity to develop a transformative and intersectional praxis for building a mass movement for educational and social justice. Avoiding the traps of neoliberal racial politics present the biggest challenge to building a broad based educational justice movement that is part of a global movement against neoliberal capitalism
Recommended from our members
Experience, Knowledge Construction, and Ideology: Dilemmas in Critical Thinking and Social Justice Education
No full textAt present, there are two priorities within social justice education that have taken center stage. The first is the task of ending oppression, and the second is the task of affirming the individuality and freedom of the child. Social justice educators advocate a non-hierarchical approach to learning that centers students’ self-directed construction of knowledge from their experiences, while at the same time expecting students to develop an explicit critique of the social order (Freire, 1998; Shor, 1992). These pedagogical practices can considered progressive or constructivist. Though both “progressive education” and “constructivist education” have been used to refer to a range of philosophical assumptions and practices (Labaree, 2005; Phillips, 1995), they generally refer to “a set of theories that hold that knowledge is not a body of facts, skills, and interpretations to be transmitted to students, but rather is actively constructed by learners as they interact with their environment” (Perlstein, 2002, p. 270). However, the use of progressive or constructivist pedagogical approaches for the pursuit of explicit ideological goals leaves critical educators with a dilemma: what happens when students’ reflections don’t lead them to conclusions that challenge oppression? In other words, how should educators respond when “critical” thinking does not lead to the “critical” conclusions that social justice teachers advocate (ie, ones that challenge systems of oppression)? This study draws from ethnography (LeCompte & Schensul, 2010), autoethnography (Ellis, Adams, & Bochner, 2011), action research (Herr & Anderson, 2005), and social design experimentation (Gutiérrez & Jurow, 2016) to examine the tensions involved in using constructivist pedagogical approaches to cultivate students’ critique of oppression and commitment to social justice values. Data included video recordings of classroom dialogues, field notes, student written assignments, and teacher and student interviews collected from three sections of an undergraduate teacher education class at an elite public university during the Spring of 2017. Drawing from critical and feminist pedagogies, the course (ED280) used a constructivist approach that privileged students’ self-directed learning, the construction of knowledge from experience, and the creation of a democratic classroom within a formal school setting. At the same time, ED280 also aimed to cultivate students’ critique of oppression and commitment to social justice through social action. Taught by three instructors of differing racial backgrounds (myself, an Asian American woman; Sarah, a white woman; and Tiana, a Black woman), the course also attracted students from multiple, contradicting, positionalities. There are three major findings from this study. The first stems from the fact that social justice educators in formal school settings are contradictorily positioned as agents of institutional power, even while they seek to critique such power (and thus undermine their own authority). This paradox led social justice educators like Sarah to send mixed messages to her students regarding both the nature of her authority and the seriousness of the social justice objectives of the course. At times, Sarah leveraged her authority to advance social justice ideals, and at other times, she undermined her own authority at the expense of those ideals. However, in prioritizing the development of students’ social justice critique over the creation of a “democratic” classroom space, Tiana was still able to use constructivist pedagogical practices and create a largely democratic classroom. These findings illustrate the importance of first grounding constructivist pedagogical practices in an explicit critique of oppression, particularly in formal school settings where hierarchical relationships of power and authority are inherent to the educational space.This study also finds that because students construct knowledge from an environment already imbued with oppression, the experiences from which they construct knowledge are often complex and contradictory, leading them to take up and critique dominant ideologies in complex and contradictory ways. While a constructivist pedagogical approach supported some students in making sense of their own experiences of oppression, at times, it also served to justify students’ pre-existing ideologies, rather than to support them in constructing new knowledges. This occurred in part because students occupied multiple, contradicting positionalities – thus, their experiences (and interpretations of those experiences) at times reflected the critique of oppression that ED280 aimed to cultivate, and at other times, contradicted it.Finally, this study examines how critical and feminist pedagogies can become conflated because they draw on similar constructivist roots. In particular, I examine the tensions involved in using a Freirean framework to teach students about their positionalities. In analyzing two pedagogical events that aimed to teach students about their positionalities – the Privilege Walk and the Identity Wheel – I find that students developed essentialized notions of identity within an “oppressed/oppressor” framework, even when their own experiences contradicted such binary understandings of experience. As a result, students came to conflate positionality with identity, understanding it as static and fixed, rather than socially constructed and malleable. This led students, particularly students from positionalities of relative privilege, to reject the instructor’s call for students to participate in social action, as they understood themselves to be defined by their identities, rather than by their actions.Within education, progressive and constructivist pedagogical practices have become dominant in the field (Phillips, 1995) as a means for addressing an array of social, educational, and economic problems. This study illustrates some of the contradictions that arise in relying on progressive pedagogical practices to address such structural inequalities, as well as how teachers and students navigated these challenges in practice. In so doing, this research encourages scholars, educators, and activists to prioritize the development of students’ critique of oppression over progressive pedagogical practices, and thus contributes to scholarship in social justice education, teacher education, and curriculum theory
De imwendige demping van zuiver aluminium en AlSn 0,05% in het temperaturgebied 77 k - 300 k
No full textMechanical, Maritime and Materials EngineeringTechnische Materiaalwetenschappe
Faculty recital, 1979, 07/16
No full textRecorded during a live performance at Oakland Recital Hall, Western Michigan University, July 16, 1979, as part of the Department of Music's 28th annual summer music camp for high school students.1st work: Michael Varner, snare drum ; 2nd work: Herbert Butler, cello ; 3rd work: Michael Shannon, Jack Perlstein, tubas ; Thomas Shannon, narrator ; 4th work: Marshall Hutchinson, double bass ; Stephen Zegree, piano ; 5th work: Phyllis Rappeport, harpsichord ; 6th work: Joyce Zastrow, soprano ; Trent Kynaston, alto saxophone ; Cary Belcher, piano.Information from performance program.Reel 1: Resonance (1979) / Michael Varner -- Sonata for cello, unaccompanied (1915) / Zoltán Kodály -- Wonderland duets (1971). Speak roughly to your little boy ; The lobster: quadrille ; Tis the voice of the lobster ; Jabberwocky / Raymond Luedeke ; texts by Lewis Carroll -- Sonata for double bass and piano (1949). Allegretto / Paul HindemithReel 2: Ordre XXV (1730). La visionaire: gravement et marqué ; La misterieuse: modérément ; La monflambert: tendrement, sans lenteur ; La muse victorieuse: audacieusement ; Les ombres errantes: languissament / François Couperin -- I never saw another butterfly: song cycle for soprano voice, alto saxophone, and piano. Terezin ; The butterfly ; The old man ; Fear ; The garden / Ellwood Derr
Recommended from our members
Fanon's Children: The Black Panther Party and the Rise of the Crips and Bloods in Los Angeles
No full textBlack nationalists of the Black Power era often viewed Black criminality as an essential component to Black political consciousness. "There have been those black Americans who have resisted white America," activist Julius Lester argued. "These were the field niggers during slavery, Nat Turner, the Black abolitionists, Garvey, and in our own time, Malcolm, the hustler on the corner and the high-school dropout." Scholars have amply demonstrated the ideological logic of Julius Lester's thinking about the guy on the corner, but how the guy on the corner makes sense of the Nationalist argument is undertheorized in the current literature. In an era when gangsta rap has come to be seen to epitomize urban Black manhood, this question remains crucial today. What then is the relationship between oppositional, self-destructive notions of Black identity and Black political consciousness as lived and experienced by urban Black youth? Building on the work of Franz Fanon and more recent theories of coloniality, the study explores the relationship between the two as they have evolved in the lives of young Black men. The historical relationship between the Black Panther Party and the Crips and Bloods serves as a lens through which I examine the interplay of criminality and radicalism in Black consciousness in the United States. Thus, this dissertation is not primarily a study of gang activity or the Black Panther Party. Rather, it is a sociological study of how evolving political activism, state actions and economic conditions have shaped Black consciousness. The relationship between self-destructive notions of Blackness and resistance is complex. That organizations like the Black Panther Party have attracted significant numbers of gang members is well documented. Still, it is a fact that most Black youth have not been in gangs or in radical organizations such as the Black Panther Party. Nevertheless, I argue, the historical relationship between the two social collectivities illuminates a fundamental aspect of Black consciousness. This tension between criminality and radicalism has long been recognized in Black life. Whether in celebrations of the folk figure Stagger Lee, Richard Wright's Bigger Thomas, or Hip Hop artist Tupac Shakur, the intersection of oppression, resistance and criminality occupies a crucial place in the Black experience. However, the particular, shifting balance of these tendencies at any given moment is a matter of critical importance in how Black Americans navigate their American dilemma
Recommended from our members
Selling School Reform: Neoliberal Crisis-Making and the Reconstruction of Public Education
No full textAbstractThis study asks how neoliberal reform became the hegemonic framework for racial justice and educational equity. Using an interdisciplinary methodology, I examine three reform projects that operate on different terrains – or scales – of ‘governmentality’: that of broad public sense-making, that of district policymaking, and that of individual and community-based subjectivities. The first project (Chapter Two) was a national publicity campaign funded by the Broad and Gates foundations. In this chapter, I use Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to understand how reformers used language to shape public consciousness, pointing to the continuity of an educational “crisis discourse” first manufactured in the Reagan era. Chapter Three examines the state takeover and neoliberal reconstruction of an urban school district. Using the theoretical framework of “disaster capitalism” (Klein, 2007), I trace how the neoliberal reform network penetrated the district, fundamentally reshaping its structures and processes. In the fourth chapter, I use ethnographic methods to study the effects of ‘punitive privatization’ on a school site steeped in historical traditions of anti-racist and anti-capitalist critique. I argue that neoliberal accountability is “devitalizing” (McDermott & Hall, 2007) to the political vision and practices of the school, and that it works to co-opt dissent and redirect parent participation. Taken together, these projects demonstrate both coercive and consensual processes: the corporate reform network penetrates public institutions and democratic processes, redirecting them to do the work of marketization and capital accumulation. At the same time, it employs sophisticated and well-funded marketing to articulate these projects across a breadth of terrains and at different scales. Each project demonstrates how market advocates, driven by venture-philanthropic funding, position their work as the only possible means for racial justice and educational equity. The findings point to two powerful aspects of neoliberalism: its role in creating and manipulating educational crises and its ability to absorb and reframe challenges to capitalism
Recommended from our members
Jenseits von Being and Reason: Imagining Otherwise and the World History Classroom
No full textDespite increased literature on the disciplining of black and brown youth in schools, there has been little attention to implications for content area instruction. This study examines the disciplining of knowledge in world history classrooms, and the impacts of this on students who often get labeled as troublemakers. Although many world history classrooms make claims of a shared humanity, such spaces often reproduce value systems that deem some as historically significant, while negating and excluding others. I employ qualitative methods to examine how such disciplinary practices impact students. I conducted individual student interviews and think-aloud tasks with twelve tenth grade students, to document how students understand themselves in relation to world history. To identify students and gain context of their learning, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in two out of three sections of tenth grade world history classrooms in their small urban Title 1 school, with predominantly African American and Latino students, over the course of six months. I read the world history classroom and how students think in light of queer theory, critical theory and cultural studies, and subaltern studies.This study shifts the focus on so-called troublemaker students from a behavioral focus that aims to integrate them into the status quo, to consider their ways of thinking in broader socio-political contexts. This work builds on the ways these students productively trouble the logics of traditional world history pedagogy, and complicates historical thinking by engaging challenges within the discipline of history itself. I turn to history as a disciplinary space to consider how scholars from marginalized populations have challenged the work of history, including the archive, document production and preservation, narrative production, and the relations of knowledge production within the history discipline. This study ultimately aims to alter how teachers think about and teach world history, in light of these marginalized students
Recommended from our members
Pedagogy of the Block-The aftermath of the Civil Rights Movement and the Negation of the Old American Dream
No full textThe constraining role of racial, social, and economic stratification on the lives and education of African American males has been argued both theoretically and empirically (Massey, 2007; MacLeod, 1987; Noguera, 2001). Some have argued that one important mechanism is the perception of limited opportunity structures (Noguera, 2004; Ogbu, 1987). This dissertation explored how real and perceived opportunity structures were shaped by political, social, and economic forces in an urban neighborhood. Specifically, this study focused on a core group of Black males in a bounded historical time and geographic locale and explored how life pathways were identified, conveyed, and chosen. This study was historically situated in the period starting with the inception of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966, until the time of the death of its co-founder, Huey P. Newton in 1989. This study argued that the complex interplay of competing ideologies that arose during that time period was at the crux of redefining Black life pathways to achieving the American Dream, also conveying the outcomes from that pursuit. This study took place in Oakland, California as this was the birthplace of the Black Panthers and it focused on the Oak Knoll neighborhood. I explored the ways in which the Black Power movement, the burgeoning drug epidemic, and State suppression in post-industrial Oakland informed how a cohort of over 40 Black males made sense of their societal positionality and how that 'sense making' influenced their choice of pathways and life outcomes. I will draw on Critical Race Theory in order to examine the ways in which race and power were central in the choices youth perceived, communicated, and enacted (Crenshaw, 1995; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Methodologically, I will utilize interviews with members of the cohort, biographical narratives, primary and secondary sources, with the dissertation taking the form of an autoethnography of the block cohort. Primary and secondary sources will be employed to give a historical context to the time period and to contextualize the differing pathways. Interviews with cohort members and the development of autoethnographical narratives will focus on what I am calling 'block pedagogy', which I define as the organic community discourse that reflects the constant negotiation of identity, power and privileged knowledge, informed by the historical context. A focus on 'block pedagogy' (as remembered by informants) will be used to illuminate alternative/oppositional life pathways that were available to this cohort and how those options were developed and conveyed across the cohort through the use of privileged knowledge. Ultimately, this study will contribute to our understanding of the ways in which the multiple spheres of societal contact--with the power structure, Black radicalism, and criminality--resulted in identity-shaping knowledge. In doing so, it will document the ever-changing nature of oppression and community response to it: both in ways that subvert and reproduce existing oppressive social structures
- …
