1,721,014 research outputs found
The PCF and the question of intellectual workers : the crisis of social ideology
Get PDFThe aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s
The French Communist Party and the Algerian war : an ideological turning point?
Get PDFThe subject-matter of this thesis is the interaction between the Parti Communiste Français and the National Liberation struggle in Algeria , and the debate that ensued within the Party itself.For a detailed study of the Party ' s line on the war, PCF publications were contrasted with the texts produced by the opposition.Three main axes were identified crystallising discussion within the Party during the Algerian war: The relationship between France and Algeria and the Party ' s attitude to the French nation; The nature of the Algerian nation and its genesis; France's military engagement in Algeria.The dichotomy between the Party's national and internationalist responsibilities is shown to have resolved itself by the fundamental integration of the PCF into the political structure and value system of the French Republic. This study demonstrates the birth of a substantial internal opposition to the PCF during the Algerian war
Anthony Lake. Six Nightmares : Real Threats in a Dangerous World and How America Can Meet Them
No full textHoworth. Anthony Lake. Six Nightmares : Real Threats in a Dangerous World and How America Can Meet Them. In: Politique étrangère, n°4 - 2002 - 67ᵉannée. pp. 1089-1090
Anthony Lake. Six Nightmares : Real Threats in a Dangerous World and How America Can Meet Them
No full textHoworth. Anthony Lake. Six Nightmares : Real Threats in a Dangerous World and How America Can Meet Them. In: Politique étrangère, n°4 - 2002 - 67ᵉannée. pp. 1089-1090
CESDP After 11 September: From Short-term Confusion to Long-Term Cohesion?
No full text[Abstract by Archive of European Integration editor]. This essay discusses the new challenges to CESDP - technically a subset of CFSP - arising from September 11 and European responses
Decision-making in security and defence policy: towards supranational intergovernmentalism?
Get PDFFor scholars and practitioners of European politics alike, the distinction between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism has always been fundamental. This distinction has underpinned the various schools of European integration theory, just as it has remained crucial for European governments keen to demonstrate that the member states remain in charge of key policy areas. Nowhere is this considered to be more central than in the area of foreign and security policy, which has consciously been set within the rigid intergovernmental framework of Pillar Two of the Maastricht Treaty and, under the Lisbon Treaty, remains subject to the unanimity rule. And yet, scholarship on the major decision-making agencies of the foreign and security policy of the EU suggests that the distinction is not only blurred but increasingly meaningless. This paper demonstrates that, in virtually every case, decisions are shaped and even taken by small groups of relatively well-socialized officials in the key committees acting in a mode which is as close to supranational as it is to intergovernmental. The political control of foreign and security policy, which is considered sacrosanct by member state governments, is only rarely exercised by politicians at the level of the European Council or Council of Ministers
CSDP and NATO Post-Libya: Towards the Rubicon? Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 35, July 2012
Get PDFIn the wake of Libya and the American pivot to Asia, CSDP-NATO relations must be recalibrated. The buzz word for CSDP should be: integrated through the EU and empowered through NATO
Strategic autonomy and EU-NATO cooperation: squaring the circle. Security Policy Brief No. 85 May 2017
Get PDFSince the publication of the European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) in June 2016, there have been innumerable calls for the re-launch of the EU’s much misunderstood Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). One can call this CSDP-redux. What is the objective behind this renewed energy
EU-NATO Cooperation and Strategic Autonomy - Logical Contradiction or Ariadne's Thread?
Get PDFThe EU’s common security and defence policy (CSDP) was launched in the 1990s as a quest for “autonomy.” Fifteen years of efforts failed to deliver that objective. The coherence of the EU member states in their security dealings with the US was always vulnerable to the potentially incompatible objectives of the UK and France. But as EU leaders post-Brexit re-launch the CSDP, as the 2016 European Global Strategy rediscovers the virtues of “strategic autonomy,” and as the world juggles with a US president who appears to question the basis of the Atlantic Alliance, it is time to radically re-think the relations between the EU and NATO. This paper argues that, in the longer term, it is through the strengthening of the EU-NATO relationship that EU strategic autonomy will become possible, and that a consolidation of the transatlantic bond will emerge
Strategy-Less in a World Of Power Transition
Get PDFIntroduction: At the meeting of the European Union (EU) heads of state and government on
26/27 June 2014, a paper was adopted which bore the grandiose title of Strategic Agenda
for the Union in Times of Change. It announced five “overarching priorities” for the next
five years: stronger economies and jobs; societies enabled to empower and protect; a
secure energy and climate future; a trusted area of fundamental freedoms; effective joint
action in the world. The document has already been subjected to a robust overall critical
analysis (Emmanouilidis 2014). What concerns me here is the final section – the EU’s
foreign and security policy. That section notes that the strategic and geopolitical
environment has become “fast-shifting”, particularly in the EU’s southern and eastern
hinterland, and offers four policy prescriptions. However, before assessing those
prescriptions, it should be noted that the fundamental flaw in this section of the “Strategic
Agenda” is that there is no sign of a strategy. If strategy is neatly defined as “the
calculated relationship between means and large ends” (Brady Johnson 2014), it is
notable that there is absolutely no reference to the former, and that the latter is reduced to
the defense of the EU’s interests and values and the protection of its citizens. There is
neither any attempt to understand the nature of the contemporary world (a world of power
transition) nor to conceptualize the EU’s potential role in that shifting global order
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