1,720,971 research outputs found
Decolonizing Knowledge in South Africa: Dismantling the ‘pedagogy of big lies’
Full text linkThe colonial and apartheid knowledge systems and Eurocentrism have not been sufficiently questioned, let alone transformed, during the first two decades of democracy in South Africa. The movement to decolonize higher education was launched by students in 2015. The fact that the students are at the forefront of the campaign for decolonization and not the university leaders, academics, and administrators tells a lot about the state of higher education in post-apartheid South Africa and the continued maintenance of the hegemonic status quo when it comes to the knowledge, teaching, learning, and research at the country’s universities. Decolonization of knowledge is crucial in order to rewrite histories, reassert the dignity of the oppressed and refocus the knowledge production and worldviews for the sake of the present and the future of the country and its people, as well as the rest of the African continent. The dismantling of the ‘pedagogy of big lies’ rooted in colonialism and apartheid will require a complete reconstruction of the epistemological model. The decolonized curriculum must place South Africa and Africa in the center of teaching, learning, and research and incorporate the epistemic perspectives, knowledge and thinking from the African continent and the global South and place them on an equal footing with the currently hegemonic Eurocentric canon
The Darfur conflict from the perspective of the rebel justice and equality movement
Full text linkIn 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this stud
The Christian-Muslim conflict of Jos, Nigeria: causes and impact on development
Full text linkThe aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment
The Christian-Muslim conflict of Jos, Nigeria: causes and impact on development
Full text linkThe aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment
Decolonisation of higher education: Dismantling epistemic violence and Eurocentrism in South Africa
Full text linkSince the end of the oppressive and racist apartheid system in 1994, epistemologies and knowledge systems at most South African universities have not considerably changed; they remain rooted in colonial, apartheid and Western worldviews and epistemological traditions. The curriculum remains largely Eurocentric and continues to reinforce white and Western dominance and privilege. This article traces the roots of Eurocentrism and epistemic violence at universities. The author argues that South Africa must tackle and dismantle the epistemic violence and hegemony of Eurocentrism, completely rethink, reframe and reconstruct the curriculum and place South Africa, Southern Africa and Africa at the centre of teaching, learning and research. However, this will not be easy as opposition to change is entrenched in the university structures. The movement to radically transform and decolonise higher education must find ways to hold institutions accountable and maintain the non-violent and intellectual struggle until epistemic violence and Eurocentrism are dismantled
Effects of political instability in development in South Sudan
Full text linkThe signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011
The role of public opinion in the post-violent protest recovery in the Merafong Local Municipality, township of Khutsong
Full text linkIn order to eradicate the legacy of the past, the South African democratic government adopted a developmental approach to local government. The White Paper on Local Government (WPLG) (1998:17) defines developmental government as government committed to working with citizens and groups within the community to find sustainable ways of meeting their social, economic and material needs and of improving their quality of life. A developmental approach aims at enhancing the skills and capacity of community members by promoting their own development process (Theron, 2005a: 120). South Africa made provision for an Act of Parliament to authorise the establishment of a cross-boundary municipality. The Municipal Demarcation Board, after initial research, noted that there are a number of areas in South Africa where large tracts of land, including a number of different communities and settlements, straddle provincial boundaries. A cross-boundary municipality refers to a situation where parts of a local municipality are located within the borders of two different provinces. For example, in the case of Merafong, the smaller part in the south was located in North West Province and the larger part in the east was located in Gauteng Province. This in effect meant that the governance of these municipalities was a shared political and fiscal responsibility of two different provinces. The aim of the study was to determine the impact of public opinions on post-violent protest recovery processes in the Merafong Local Municipality. Both qualitative and quantitative approach was followed that included a review of documents from public administration and conflict theories literature; discourse analysis of interviews with municipal officials and councillors, and community members. The document review included a review of municipal documents that incorporated demarcation or describe development and use of public participation. It also included the legal frameworks and statutory requirements for community/citizen participation. The key findings of the study indicated contrasting views between the community and the municipality perspectives in particular with regard to the role of the community during the prioritisation of needs and the decision-making processes. The researcher concluded that in order for community participation to have maximum impact, local government is obliged to create an enabling environment for participation which includes amongst others addressing the institutional obstacles and the capacity gaps within the community. The researcher finally recommended that these roles be implemented, evaluated and integrated in the current performance management system of Merafong Local Municipalit
The Christian-Muslim conflict of Jos, Nigeria - causes and impact on development
No full textThe aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment
Post-war reconstruction and development : a collective case study
No full textSince the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations.
Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries
Post-war reconstruction and development: a collective case study
Full text linkSince the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries
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