1,721,372 research outputs found
Shang han fu yi
No full textV.1-4. 傷寒論註 : 四卷 / 張機原文 ; 柯琴編註 ; 馬中驊較訂 -- v.5-6. 傷寒附翼 : 二卷 / 柯琴編 ; 馬中驊較.V.1-4. Shang han lun zhu : si juan / Zhang Ji yuan wen ; Ke Qin bian zhu ; Ma Zhonghua jiao ding -- v.5-6. Shang han fu yi : er juan / Ke Qin bian ; Ma Zhonghua jiao.柯韻伯先生原本.綫裝.框18x12.7公分, 10行21字. 白口, 四周單邊, 單黑魚尾. 版心上鐫題名, 中鐫卷次及小題, 下鐫葉次.題名據內封頁.書名頁刻"傷寒來蘇集, 古吳葉天士評批, 慈溪柯韻伯先生原本, 文聚堂梓"前有乾隆乙亥[1755]馬中驊序, 言刻書事.《中國中醫古籍總目》00697著錄清乾隆二十年[1755]刻本.鈐"莊兆祥印"朱, 白文各一方.Xian zhuang.Kuang 18 x 12.7 gong fen, 10 hang 21 zi. Bai kou, si zhou dan bian, dan hei yu wei. Ban xin shang juan ti ming, zhong juan juan ci ji xiao ti, xia juan ye ci.Ti ming ju nei feng ye.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Ke Yunbo xian sheng yuan ben.Qian "Zhuang Zhaoxiang yin" zhu, bai wen ge yi fang
On K'o-han-fu-t'u Ch'êng 可汗浮図城 (concluded)
Full text linkThe author’s conclusion of the location of K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’eng 可汗浮図城 is as follows:After the conquest of Kao-ch’ang-kuo 高昌国, the T’ang Dynasty established Hsi-chou 西州 in Kao-ch’ang 高昌 and the center of T’ing-chou 庭州at K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng. There were Chin-man-hsien 金満県 and P’u-lei-hsien 蒲類県 in the domain of T’ing-chou. In the former hsien, Chin-man-ch’eng 金満城 was set up to govern Chou-t’ing 州庁 and Hsien-t’ing 県庁 of T’ing-chou. In 702 (2nd year of Ch’ang-an 長安), Pei-t’ing tu-hu-fu 北庭都護府 was established at the ch’eng (fortress), which is supposed to be the ruin of Hu-pao-tzu 護堡子 to the north of Jimsa.Dr. Matsuda and the late Dr. Abe thought that K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng was located in Wu-t’u-ku 務図谷 (Pa-no-p’a of today), but the author suggests they both misunderstood the description of the Chapter of Geography of Shin-t’ang-shu 新唐書.Studying the routes of T’ang’s Kao-ch’ang expedition, the Ko-to-lü 葛選禄 at the battle against Uygur, and T’ai-tsu 太祖 of Liao 遼 to the west the author presumes that P’u-lei-hsien was at the place of K’o-han-fu-t’u Cheng, which was an important focus leading to Northern Mongolia, in the northern foot of the T’ien-shan range. In other words, P’u-lei-hsien was established where there had been K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng, and the hsien was on the plain (recorded as Fu-t’u-ch’uan 浮図川) 80 li to the east of Chin-man-ch’eng.journal articl
A living and wearable heritage : Han fu as an intangible cultural heritage
No full textThroughout the world, almost all countries and ethnic groups have their own national costumes which are commonly utilized in significant events, occasions, and in daily life rituals. More traditional examples include the Japanese Kimono, Korean Hanbok, and Chinese Cheongsam, and the more modern examples are the Chinese Tang suit Sun Yat-sen suit, and Mao suit. They are considered to be clothing that is representative of Chinese characteristics. However, but they are not representative of the traditional images of the Chinese Han nationality.
Since the beginning of the 21st century, more and more young people have begun to re-examine traditional Chinese culture. As a long-forgotten treasure, Han Fu has been rediscovered and gradually became popular; today it is, a new dressing fashion. It is unfortunate that the development of the Han Fu revival trend has still not give considerable results. The number of people who genuinely understand Han Fu and participate in the practices is very limited, and others who wear Han Fu often only do so, for a fresh feeling stand out and differs from everyday clothes, there is. Not a clear understanding about the meaning behind the clothes. All kinds of problems gradually emerged, the essential cause is the value and characteristics of Han Fu have not yet been revealed.
This dissertation will investigate into the cultural basis of Han Fu, to distinguish it as Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), identifying its values, charters-defining elements and significance. The objective is to provide the criteria for developing Han Fu as national costume to supplement the cultural identity requirement of majority people in China. The dissertation’s topic is the protection and inheritance of Han Fu as an Intangible Culture Heritage (ICH), focusing on the Han Fu, the Han Fu Revival Movement and the Chinese traditional clothing. The research scope is Han Fu, the sustainability of the movement, by examining the clothing as an intangible cultural heritage – historical and cultural origins, design and craft, character-defining features, cultural practices, sustainable inheritance.published_or_final_versionConservationMasterMaster of Science in Conservatio
On K'o-han-fu-t'u Ch'êng 可汗浮図城 (continued)
Full text linkThe author has made references to K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng 可汗浮図城 in some of his previous papers which dealt with Kao-ch’ang-kuo 高昌国 but as to the exact location of this fortress he has not totally agreed with Dr. Matsuda and the late Dr. Abe. In the present article he manifests his opinion on this point, giving some comments upon the historical significance of the place in question.K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng was located in the northern foot of the T’ien shan 天山 range, to the north of Kao-ch’ang-kuo which occupied the Turfan Basin. As early as the beginning of the 7th century, T’ung-yeh-hu k’o-han 統葉護可汗 of Hsi-t’u-chüeh 西突厥 established two t’ing 庭, Nan-t’ing 南庭 and Pei-t’ing 北庭, against the invasion of Tung-t’u-chüeh 東突厥 which was situated in the eastern foot of the T’ien-shan. K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng was the fortress built at the Pei-t’ing and was the easternmost military base of Hsi-t’u-chüeh. It was also through this base that Hsi-t’u-chüeh controlled Kao-ch’ang-kuo which was under her influence. According to the westward expansion of Hsi-t’u-chüeh, the capital was moved to Suy-âb 砕葉, and the Pei-t’ing further increased its importance for the defence against Tung-t’u-chüeh and China.At the beginning of the Chen-kuan 貞観 period (629-649), A-shih-na Shê-êrh 阿史那社爾 of Tung-t’u-chüeh occupied the place, but soon after it was taken back by Yü-ku shad 欲谷設 of Hsi-t’u-chüeh. In the meantime, Kao-ch’ang-kuo, allied with Yü-ku shad, frequently attacked caravans on their way to T’ang China. They even threatened I-chou 伊州 (Hami) and Yen-chi焉耆 (Karashār), both Chinese vassalages. Hence, the T’ang Government sent its army and conquered Kao-ch’ang-kuo in the 14th year of Chen-kuan 640). Thus, it can be said that K’o-han-tu-f’u Ch’êng was one of the foci of the power-collisions unfolded on the northwestern boundary of China.There were two places called Liu-ku 柳谷 in the northern foot of T’ien- shan range, in the north of the Turfan Basin. The western Liu-ku was on the route to Pa-no-p’a Valley, and the eastern Liu-ku on another route to Kara-dawân. This later one further lead to K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng, thus forming the main route which connected Hsi-t’u-chüeh and Kao-ch’ang.kuo. The T’ang army, after having taken K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng, proceeded southward on this route as far as Kao-ch’ang-kuo. Bearing in mind the geographical importance of K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’êng, the author makes comment that in the 5th century, when Juan-juan 蠕蠕 ruled over Kao-ch’ang-kuo, they also stationed their military base in this place. (Continued in the succeeding issue)journal articl
Framework, Rhythm and Deification: The Aestheticism and Significance of Han Fu
No full text漢賦以巨麗閎侈著稱，然六朝以來，詩畫「特忌形貌彩章，歷歷具足」，漢賦遂飽受忽視與誤解。蓋漢代散體賦乃以對話框架包覆大量鋪陳，本文認為其框架反映出五行學說思維模式，暨賦家建構理想秩序之衷；其鋪陳則具有空間性鮮明、情采激昂等特質。箇中空間部分，本文發現漢賦空間感為上下俯仰、左右擺盪之節奏化表現，與抒情詩直線伸之美感有所不同，此或為現代讀者難以賞愛漢賦之關鍵。出漢賦之中，舉凡車駕、宮室、郊禮，每有神話之描寫，實乃塑造帝王神化的權威。漢賦雖已兩千年之遙，惟其權力與符號之依違，文士之職責與矛盾，今日觀之，仍觸人深省。Han fu (rhapsody) is known for its lengthy narrative and magnificent structure. For a very long period ever since the Six Dynasties, however, Han fu was neglected or even misconceived thanks to the dominance of the view that “aesthetic excesses” of arts and literature should be discouraged. Focusing on the dialogic framework within which the elaborated narrative of Han fu is embedded, this article argues that the framework itself often bears the imprint of xuxing (five elements) worldview and reflects the author’s motive to construct an ideal order, whereas the narrativon within it is characterized by a distinctive sense of spatiality, as well as by powerful emotions and eloquent articulations. A crucial finding of this article is that the “spatiality” conveyed in Han fu is a rhythmic expression which moves around in a three-dimensioanal space, a kind of beauty which differs significantly from the linear beauty in lyrics. Such difference might explain modern readers’ indifference toward Han fu. In addition, the article points out that in its choice of images and depictions of rituals, Han fu often incorporates mythological materials, thus lending itself to the deification of imperial authority. Taken as a whole, Han fu may help us reflect upon the complex interrelation between power and symbols, as well as the literati’s responsibilities and their contratdictions
- …
