1,721,359 research outputs found
Alberto Grilli, M. Tulli Ciceronis Tusculanarum Disputationum Liber secundus
No full textVan den Bruwaene Martin. Alberto Grilli, M. Tulli Ciceronis Tusculanarum Disputationum Liber secundus. In: L'antiquité classique, Tome 25, fasc. 1, 1956. pp. 188-189
Alberto Grilli, M. Tulli Ciceronis Tusculanarum Disputationum Liber secundus
No full textVan den Bruwaene Martin. Alberto Grilli, M. Tulli Ciceronis Tusculanarum Disputationum Liber secundus. In: L'antiquité classique, Tome 25, fasc. 1, 1956. pp. 188-189
A HISTORIOGRAPHICAL OVERVIEW OF NKRUMAH'S IDEOLOGY AND FOREIGN POLICY
Full text linkThis article examines the historiography on Nkrumah’s
Pan-Africanist ideology with particular reference to his
foreign policy and it provides an overview of the same
by dividing it in three periods. These are introduced by an
analysis of Nkrumah’s and Nkrumaist literature. The first
period of historiography coincides with Nkrumah’s political
life between 1945 and 1972. During these years, pro and
anti-Nkrumah parties clashed vigorously. In the second
period which stretches between the 1970s and 1980s,
more detached analysis of the facts also began to emerge
but strong limitations remained. The third period, began
with the rehabilitation of Nkrumah’s figure in the early
1990s. This, together with the end of the Cold War and the
resurfacing of new primary sources allowed for a more
scientific analysis of Nkrumah’s times. The essay is built
on the consideration that the debate on the role of the
first President of Ghana in the liberation and unification
of the continent is still vibrant. Moreover, to this day, his
legacy is amply discussed both in academia and outside it.
As for the latter, Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanist proposals still
attracts followers all over Africa and even in the Diaspora.
The corpus of literature on Nkrumah and Nkrumaism is
vast. This essay provides the reader with an instrument
to understand, rationalise and categorise this enormous
production, trying also to highlight the latest developments
of the historiography on this subject. The article will also
provide the reader with useful information about the
primary sources, especially those that have become
available in recent years
Nkrumah’s Ghana and the Armed Struggle in Southern Africa (1961–1966)
No full textBuilding on newly available primary sources, this article describes Nkrumah’s role in the armed struggle in Southern Africa, including information about the establishment and running of military training camps in Ghana. Moreover, the article examines why Nkrumah’s influence over the liberation movements engaged in armed resistance diminished after 1963. This was the outcome of several factors operating concurrently. With the intensification of the armed struggle, Ghana’s geographical disadvantage and logistical difficulties in providing weapons to the frontline became evident, especially when compared to Tanzania. However, as the article argues, the crucial reason for its loss of influence in the region was political. Indeed, after 1963 it became increasingly clear that the priorities and strategies of Nkrumah’s Pan-African and liberation policies were not fully endorsed by the key protagonists of the armed struggle, and this ultimately affected their relationship with Ghana. As a result, the country that had led the liberation struggle on the continent between 1957 and 1963, ultimately lost its competition with other African and non-African actors in the region. Still, Nkrumah had an outstanding following among Southern African freedom fighters prior to the coup of February 1966, rooted in the ongoing support for the armed struggle by the Ghanaian government
Clive Gabay. Imagining Africa: Whiteness and the Western Gaze. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. xi + 270 pp. List of figures. List of tables. References. Index. $105.00. Hardcover. ISBN: 978-1108473606
No full textClive Gabay’s Imagining Africa: Whiteness and the Western Gaze has more to do with post-colonial studies, critical race theory, and Whiteness studies than with African studies. Gabay’s concern is not the continent per se, but rather the history of idealised visions of Africa in the West, informed by the growing anxiety of Whiteness in perpetuating its mythologized genius. In his introduction (9–22), Gabay posits a distinction between “whiteness” (which defines the status of phenotypical white people) and “Whiteness” (which is seen as a system of privilege involving both white and non-white peoples in safeguarding White and Western genius). The author aims at overturning the conventional post-colonial critique of western imaginaries of Africa “by problematising the sense in which the former consistently holds the latter in inferior relation to it” (4)
La comunità italiana in Ghana: cento anni di emigrazione nell'Africa Occidentale
No full textMatteo Grilli rileva la presenza stabile di una comunità italiana nell'attuale Ghana risalente ai primi anni del Novecento quando alcuni gruppi di emigranti del nord Italia raggiunsero la Costa d'Oro per partecipare allo sviluppo minerario e infrastrutturale della colonia britannica. Anche se durante il Novecento il numero degli italiani non superò mai in media le poche centinaia di individui, la sua importanza economica fu assai rilevante. Lo studio della composizione di questo gruppo di emigrazione e dei meccanismi alla base del suo successo economico gettano luce su dinamiche migratorie ancora poco conosciute
Kwame Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism in West Africa
No full textWest Africa has been the birthplace of some of the most advanced forms of African nationalism and Pan-Africanism. The development of the latter, in particular, became prominent in the region due to the crucial role played by indigenous thinkers as well as to its strong connections with the Atlantic world. This chapter retraces the history of Pan-Africanist thinking in West Africa, illustrating how different ideas and conceptions eventually converged into Kwame Nkrumah’s thinking. Starting from the first abolitionist movements that considered West Africa as one of the centers of early Pan-Africanism, the chapter illustrates the thoughts and actions of the main thinkers and leaders that opened the way to Nkrumah. It offers the perspective on Pan-Africanist thinking in the region following the demise of the Ghanaian Pan-Africanist, examining its evolution until today. In 1897, the Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society was established in the Gold Coast as a new and ground-breaking political instrument
Between socialism and non-alignment: The Basutoland Congress Party and the Soviet Bloc
Full text linkBasotho nationalists’ relations with the Socialist world began in the late 1920s but became relevant only in the late 1950s when the struggle for independence gained momentum. The main protagonist was the Basutoland Congress Party which entertained a close working relationship with the USSR, the PRC and several Eastern European countries from the 1950s to the late 1980s. This relationship was not an easy one, as one of the ideological tenets of Mokhehle’s party was non-alignment and, at least theoretically, anti-communism. Yet, the BCP did not close the doors to the East but instead sent dozens of its members to Socialist countries for education. This paper recounts the history of this relationship through archival sources and through the memoires of BCP members, collected in recent interviews by the author, who were sent to the East from the 1950s to the 1980s
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