2,580 research outputs found
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface and the theory of phases
No full textEpistemic adverbs in Italian (e.g., probabilmente ‘probably’) can appear in several positions. Cinque (1999) proposed that they always occupy the same position above IP and that the various orders are derived via movement of the other phrases around them. In this paper I consider contrasts between sentences where these adverbs are associated with a “normal intonation” and those where they are associated with a parenthetical (comma) intonation. To provide an account for the distribution of parenthetical adverbs, I appeal to Giorgi (2011, to appear). I consider parentheticals as syntactically integrated structures, rejecting adjunction and adopting the cartographic approach, based on Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. As for the non-parenthetical occurrences, I propose that there are two basic positions for these adverbs, one for each phase: above v*P and above IP (Cinque’s position). The existence of a low left periphery above v*P agrees has also been recently hypothesized for other phenomena in Old (Poletto, 2006 and to appear) and Modern Italian (Belletti, 2004)
From Temporal anchoring to long distance anaphors
No full textThis paper investigates the distribution of long distance anaphors in two typologically unrelated languages, Italian and Chinese, and shows that in spite of the superficial differences they are ruled by the same grammatical principles. It is proposed that the properties determining the temporal location of events at the interface level, i.e., Sequence of Tense, also allow the identification of the antecedent of long distance anaphors. The paper focuses on so-called blocking effects, namely, the impossibility for a long distance anaphor to extend its binding domain beyond certain elements, such as an indicative verbal form in Italian or an indexical or context-related item in Chinese. I also consider backward binding phenomena, and show how
they might follow from the same generalizations. The paper investigates the role of the speaker and the bearer of attitude in the sentence, and capitalizing on the proposals by Giorgi and Pianesi (1997, 2001a, 2001b,2004a, 2004b) on Sequence of Tense, argues that they are syntactically realized and might act as binders and blockers both for temporal anchoring and for binding
Present Tense, Perfectivity, and the Anchoring Conditions
No full textIn this work we consider the morphosyntactic and aspectual properties underlying the well-known impossibility for English present tense verbs to yield a continuous on-going interpretation. Systematically contrasting English with Italian, we extend the conclusion of Giorgi & Pianesi (1997), proposing that the phenomenon is the expression of a general interpretive restriction on anchoring conditions, to the effect that a perfective (topologically closed) events cannot be simultaneous with its temporal anchor, because the latter is always conceived as punctual. The strict link between perfectivity (a morphosyntactic property) and closeness (an interpretive one) suggests that English eventive verbs are always introduced into syntax as perfectives, this being due by general morphosyntactic properties of English. The empirical consequences and validity of such a set of hypothesis is tested against a wide range of languages (Creole languages, Fong Bè, etc.) which share with English the relevant morphsyntactic properties, concluding that the predictions are invariably borned ou
On the temporal interpretation of certain surprise questions
No full textThis article considers a special kind of surprise questions, i.e. those introduced by the adversative particle ma (but), and compares it with surprise exclamations. The main issue addressed here concerns the obligatory presence in the questions of the imperfect verbal form, versus the obligatory presence in exclamations of a non-imperfect indicative. It will be shown that the special semantics associated with these structures determines the presence of a certain verbal form. Some syntactic issues will be addressed in the final section, having to do with the representation in the syntax of properties connected to the context
Integrated parentheticals in quotations and free indirect discourse
No full textIn this chapter I consider the syntactic properties of a particular kind of parentheticals, those introducing Quotations – henceforth, QU – and Free Indirect Discourse – henceforth, FID.
Consider the following examples: (1) I will leave tomorrow, said John (2) The new ration did not start till tomorrow and he had only four cigarettes left, thought Winston (adapted, from Orwell 1984). Example (1) is a QU structure and the parenthetical in question is said John.
Example (2) is a FID construction and the parenthetical is thought Winston. As already well known, they have special properties from an interpretive, syntactic and phonological point of view. QU and FID parentheticals are alike under many points of view, even if the two constructions must be kept separate, especially with respect to the interpretation of pronouns and verbal forms. For the purposes of this work, I will in general consider them alike.
Observe now the following paradigm: (3) John said that Mary left (4) John said: “Mary left” (5) Maria, said John, left.
It seems to me that the most important goal for a syntactic analysis is to provide a coherent analysis of the similarities and differences among the constructions in (3)- (5). At first sight, these structures seem very much alike, both from the point of view of their meaning and their syntax – to the extent that some scholars have proposed a direct syntactic derivation (Emonds 1973; Ross 1973), for instance of (5) starting from (3). I will show here that the situation is indeed much more complex than that. In particular, in this paper I show that example (5) is closer to (4) than to (3). The approach I will develop here is an integrated view of parentheticals, complying with Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA)
The Comparative Method in Synchronic Linguistics: The Case of Word Order
No full textIn this article I discuss the comparative method in formal linguistics when applied to word order phenomena in Italian, English and German. I argue that the comparison has to rest on sound theoretical basis in order to reach interesting conclusions. These languages might prima facie all look Subject- Verb-Object – SVO – languages, with some puzzling issues arising in German. At a closer look however, I will show that English and Italian pattern together as their basic word order – i.e., SVO – goes, as opposed to German, an SOV language. Conversely, English and German pattern together with respect to a property typical, even if not exclusively so, of Germanic languages, i.e. Verb Second
Free Indirect Discourse and the Syntax of the left periphery
No full textThe analysis of the grammar of literary texts is a very interesting issue and has been variously debated both by linguists and by experts of literature. The question is important because it tackles the interaction between human creativity and human cognition . The basic question concerns the constraints that might be posed to artistic expression by the properties of the cognitive system, and by Universal Grammar in particular. The general issue might be expressed as follows: Is literary expression free from any grammatical constraint? And if not, in what way does grammar limit the possibilities available for a narrator? The thesis I will develop in this chapter is that language always complies with the rules of grammar. Namely, even if there is a certain degree of freedom in the choice of a particular narrative style, the possibilities are always to be individuated inside the grammatical set of options. In other words, the grammar adopted by a narrator using a certain literary style is the same as the grammar accounting for any normal sentence.
In this chapter I show that the peculiar flavor of a literary style such as free indirect discourse— henceforth, FID— is due to a slightly different setting of the value of certain parameters— such as the choice of temporal and spatial coordinates relevant for the interpretation of the events in the narration with respect to non-FID sentences. Crucially, however, the grammar describing and accounting for the phenomena of non-literary, “ normal,” sentences, also accounts for the properties of the FID. I will additionally show that cross-linguistic comparison is a crucial step towards a theoretical account of these structures
On the Nature of Long-Distance Anaphors
No full textI consider two interpretive properties of long-distance anaphors: (a) they have only a pure-reflexive reading, in the sense that they fail to refer to portrayals of their antecedent, and (b) whenever possible, they must be interpreted as de se, or to put it better, as first-personal. Long-distance anaphors seem to be interpretively parallel to local reflexive construals such as those seen with inherent reflexivity and constructions of inalienable possession. Moreover, in some languages, such as Chinese and Italian, long-distance anaphors can also be locally bound, and in such cases, they pattern with self anaphors rather than with inherent reflexives. To account for this pattern, I propose that long-distance anaphors, together with the local construals mentioned above, are the spell-out of an unsaturated position, saturated in the course of the derivation via θ-identification with the antecedent
About the Speaker:Towards a Syntax of Indexicality
No full textIn this monograph I investigate the relationship between syntax and context. In particular, I propose that in the syntactic representation of the sentence a syntactic layer – i.e., a sequence of positions functionally related – is especially devoted to play such a role at the interface. I identify this set of positions with the Complementizer- layer and argue that the temporal – and arguably spatial as well – coordinates of the speaker are represented in its left-most projection, which I dub here C-speaker
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