1,720,997 research outputs found
Parties and Party Systems in Pietro Grilli di Cortona’s Research
No full textParties and party systems, intended as key democratic institutions, represented a central subject in
Pietro Grilli di Cortona’s research. His focus on these topics has been rich, innovative and continuous
during all his career. His approach to the study of political parties and party systems has always been
comparative, with a great relevance given to their historical evolution and the connections with the
cleavages structures present in European societies.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio
Le trasformazioni della democrazia. Una lettura contemporanea del pensiero di Vilfredo Pareto
No full textFIAT Goes it Alone: The Italian Car Industry, the Government and the Crisis of the 2000s
No full textAfter decades of public aid, FIAT went into the 2000s without help from the state. While this initially threatened to lead to bankruptcy, it subsequently proved a key factor in the company's transformation from a national into a global player. Its ties with the state, formerly viewed as a means of survival and development, have gradually loosened, and FIAT has begun an autonomous process of expansion which has given it a new structural power to shift investment and production from Italy towards countries offering better conditions and favourable enterprise policies. The present article analyses this process, FIAT's change in strategy with regard to the government, and the possible consequences of a downsizing in Italy of what is now the nation's only multinational manufacturing company. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Governo e grandi imprese. La Fiat da azienda protetta a global player
No full textLe grandi aziende stabiliscono collegamenti diretti con governi e pubbliche amministrazioni, condizionandone il processo decisionale. Nonostante l'ovvia rilevanza di tali dinamiche, la scienza politica italiana ha tradizionalmente trascurato gli studi - al cui rilancio questo volume offre un significativo contributo - sui rapporti tra politica e imprese. Prendendo le mosse dalla letteratura sui gruppi di pressione, l'analisi è stata condotta utilizzando un ampio e inedito repertorio di dati sulle politiche di intervento pubblico a favore del "campione nazionale" Fiat. È così delineato il quadro del sostegno governativo all'azienda torinese dagli anni ottanta ad oggi. I legami privilegiati tra la Fiat e lo stato hanno subito una profonda trasformazione con l'accresciuta integrazione dell'economia italiana nel sistema regolativo europeo. Se in un primo momento questi cambiamenti hanno influito negativamente sulle capacità di mercato della Fiat, in seguito essi hanno stimolato positivamente la revisione della strategia competitiva del gruppo, favorendone l'uscita dalla crisi più grave della sua storia e il rilancio internazionale.Big companies establish direct links with governments and public administrations, conditioning their decision-making process. Despite the obvious relevance of such dynamics, Italian political science has traditionally neglected the studies on relations between business and politics, to which this volume offers a significant contribution. Starting from the literature on pressure groups, the analysis was conducted using a large and unprecedented repertoire of data on public intervention policies for the Fiat “national champion”. In this way, the framework of government support for the Turin company has been outlined from the eighties to the present. The privileged links between Fiat and the government have undergone profound transformation with the increased integration of the Italian economy into the European regulatory system. If at first these changes had a negative impact on Fiat's market capacity, they subsequently stimulated the revision of the Group's competitive strategy, favoring its exit from the most serious crisis in its history and its international relaunch
Grande impresa e decisioni pubbliche. La Fiat da Campione nazionale atipico a global player
No full textThis paper starts from a mainframe inspired on C. Lindblom's theory (1977): big business and public decisions-makers had always had a privileged relationship. However, as an important variation from Lindblom's affirmations, the intervention of the State in Italy has not been addressed to satisfied all the requests of big enterprises. Its intervention has been characterised as a negotiation process orientated by the reciprocal advantages of both involved actors. We present a case study, the Fiat, to demonstrate this shifting from Lindblom's theory. Our analysis considers the evolution of public policies oriented to support the big car industry between 1980 and 2005. We'll show that its privileged relationship with the Italian State has been strongly maintained at least until the first years of the 90's: in each critical phase, the Italian governments had supported his national Champion of automobile sector. Nevertheless, in the context of Globalisation (the necessity to produce following best practices, continuity of innovation, placement in global markets) and Europeanization (respect of economic and financial parameters, State aids not allowed) this relationship started to be weaker. This had a negative influence - in a short term perspective - on the market capacity of Fiat, but on the other hand - in a long term perspective - it has constituted a positive sway for a revision of its management culture and of the competitiveness strategy of the automobile group: a way to warranting Fiat the exit from its worst crisis and the possibility of its international relaunching
Fiat ancora un interesse privilegiato? L'evoluzione delle politiche governative per il settore auto
No full textFor decades the Italian government supported Fiat; yet since the Nineties, internal changes due to the implosion of the Italian political system and Europeanisation, led to the phasing out of state aid. The loss of public support could have led Fiat to deep crisis, but it in fact provided the impetus for the company independent growth and its transformation from a national to a global player. Its ties with the state gradually loosened, and Fiat's growth on an international level has led to an increase in its structural power. The article analyzes the change of Fiat's strategy with respect to the government and the potential impact of a downsizing of its activities in Italy
Società Italiana di Scienza Politica. Notizie sulle attività nel 2014 a cura di Luca Germano
No full text
The Catholic Church
No full textThe Catholic Church is the most ancient institution in the world and, ever since the time of Emperor Constantine, it has been engaged with politics in order to affirm its values and defend its interests, fully aware of the strength stemming from its identity, and autonomous from every other power, while it guided the values and behavior of great masses of people. The Catholic Church is hierarchically organized as a multiform ensemble of organizations which make its structure almost unique, its leadership being centralized in the Pope and in his College of Cardinals, and relies on a worldwide organization and membership. Its bureaucracy is clearly identifiable and its hierarchic leadership, either at the international level or in any national political system on the holy Scripture and on the obedience by the faithful. Given such institutional features, the Catholic Church appears as a strategic actor, both in national and global politics (Hertzke, 2009), able to act like a strong interest group aiming to influence both politics and policies on several grounds (Ferrari, 2006). As an interest group, the Catholic Church is atypical, insofar as it hybridizes the features of several kinds of groups (Segers, 1995): institutional group, public group, and membership-based group: (a) as a hierarchical organization, the Catholic Church can be identified as an institutional group safeguarding traditional theological teachings and defending those economic interests focused on preserving and maintaining the organization itself; (b) furthermore, the Catholic Church can be identified as a public interest group pursuing public good not only for its members but for the society as a whole; (c) finally, the Catholic Church can be identified as a membership-based group, insofar as it represents a worldwide grouping of the faithful
Still waiting for the “liberal revolution”? The Italian pro-competition law and the cases of taxi licences and beach concessions
No full textOne of the main enabling reforms included in the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan is that of competition. In this regard, past pro-competitive attempts have usually disappointed expectations, above all due to the counter-mobilization of very powerful interest groups, able to act as veto-players in the policy process. This article seeks to contribute to the literature on the influence of Italian interest groups by focusing precisely on the pro-competition reforms in two highly politically salient policy sectors: unscheduled public transport services and beach concessions. Specifically, we want to make a triple comparison: between policy sectors, between subsequent stages of the policy cycle and between governments, focusing on the lobbying strategies deployed by the interests affected by the measures being considered. We interpret empirical findings on the basis of a detailed reconstruction of the policy processes, drawing on several interviews with privileged observers
- …
