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Revenge and forgiveness after victimization:Differences between violent offenders and male students from various educational settings
Being harmed by another person may elicit strong emotions about the perpetrator(s). Among others, the experience may call for revenge. Recent formulations picture revenge as a primary motive for violent offending in general, for firesetting, sexual violence, massmurder, and (suicide) terrorism. A review of empirical findings put revenge forward as a causal factor in upto 20% of homicides worldwide, 61% of schoolshootings, 27% of bombings, and as an inspiring factor for recruitment in terrorist organizations. Such findings and formulations suggest that violent offenders might be victimized and vengeful offenders. Indeed, many violent offenders report a history of victimization but do individuals who have committed a violent offense also report more negative motivation (revenge, avoidance) and less positive motivation (benevolence, forgiveness) toward their victimizers than individuals from the general community?<br/
Parental rearing styles and psychopathology: Notes on the validity of questionnaires for recalled parental behavior
Revenge and forgiveness after victimization:Differences between violent offenders and male students from various educational settings
Being harmed by another person may elicit strong emotions about the perpetrator(s). Among others, the experience may call for revenge. Recent formulations picture revenge as a primary motive for violent offending in general, for firesetting, sexual violence, massmurder, and (suicide) terrorism. A review of empirical findings put revenge forward as a causal factor in upto 20% of homicides worldwide, 61% of schoolshootings, 27% of bombings, and as an inspiring factor for recruitment in terrorist organizations. Such findings and formulations suggest that violent offenders might be victimized and vengeful offenders. Indeed, many violent offenders report a history of victimization but do individuals who have committed a violent offense also report more negative motivation (revenge, avoidance) and less positive motivation (benevolence, forgiveness) toward their victimizers than individuals from the general community?<br/
Revenge and forgiveness after victimization:Differences between violent offenders and male students from various educational settings
Being harmed by another person may elicit strong emotions about the perpetrator(s). Among others, the experience may call for revenge. Recent formulations picture revenge as a primary motive for violent offending in general, for firesetting, sexual violence, massmurder, and (suicide) terrorism. A review of empirical findings put revenge forward as a causal factor in upto 20% of homicides worldwide, 61% of schoolshootings, 27% of bombings, and as an inspiring factor for recruitment in terrorist organizations. Such findings and formulations suggest that violent offenders might be victimized and vengeful offenders. Indeed, many violent offenders report a history of victimization but do individuals who have committed a violent offense also report more negative motivation (revenge, avoidance) and less positive motivation (benevolence, forgiveness) toward their victimizers than individuals from the general community?<br/
Parental rearing styles and psychopathology: Notes on the validity of questionnaires for recalled parental behavior
Attachment style in the context of clinical and health psychology: A proposal for the assessment of valence, incongruence, and accessibility of attachment representations in various working models
By combining the Adult Attachment interview and the Autobiographical Memory Test, a structured interview was developed as a 'quick and dirty' measure for the assessment of attachment representations in clinical settings. The interview intends to assess valence, incongruence, and accessibility of the attachment representations that are organized in various mental models of relationships. In this study the mental models of relationships involving parents and current partner were addressed, as well as the more general model of self in relationships with significant others. Validity was examined in a sample of couples from the general community. Interrelationships between the different models of attachment relationships were strong enough to warrant the conclusion that each contributes to the same construct (style). Correlations with theoretically proposed consequences of insecure attachment style showed salience of specific working models: valence of self and partner (bur not of parents) representations, and incongruence of parental representations related to depressive symptomatology, trait anxiety, relational quality, and communication efficiency. Results indicated that assessment of representations in the working models of different attachment relationships might prove useful in clinical settings, as it might enable localization of those representations that are related to the individual's experience of adversity in interpersonal relationships and affect regulation. Methodological shortcomings are discussed in this context
Offense type as determinant of revenge and forgiveness after victimization: Adolescents’ responses to injustice and aggression
Victims of injustice and aggression may have strong feelings about the perpetrator(s) that may impede their efforts to cope with the victimizing experience. We examined to what extent adolescents' interpersonal responses to victimization in terms of revenge and forgiveness depend on offense type. Of 455 Dutch students from various educational levels, 379 participants reported being victimized by incidents of injustice, aggression, or violence. These incidents were categorized according to type and related to respondents' self-reported revenge, avoidance, and benevolence toward the perpetrator. Victims of criminal offenses (physical and sexual violence, theft, and threat) reported less forgiving motivations than victims of noncriminal transgressions (bullying, ostracism, and other forms of indirect aggression). Sexual violence primarily elicited avoidance, rather than revenge. Gender differences in responses to victimization depended on offense type, too. Hence, to enhance our knowledge about revenge and forgiveness after victimization, future studies may need to take offense characteristics into account
How large are gender differences in perceived parental rearing styles: A meta-analytic review.
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