119,054 research outputs found
Interview with Christopher G. Chute
No full textChristopher Chute received his undergraduate degree in English in 1977 and his medical degree in 1982 from Brown University. That same year, Dr. Chute also earned a Master’s in Public Health from Harvard University. After completing his residency in internal medicine at Dartmouth College, Hitchcock Medical Center from 1982 to 1985, Dr. Chute went on to complete a doctorate in Epidemiology at Harvard University in 1990. In 1988, Dr. Chute joined the faculty of the Mayo Clinic as assistant professor of epidemiology in the Department of Health Sciences Research. In his first year at the Mayo Clinic, he founded the Division of Biomedical Informatics within the Department of Health Sciences Research and chaired the division until 2008. In 1988, Dr. Chute was also appointed director of the Mayo Clinic’s Cancer Registry, a position he held until 2001. In 1990, Dr. Chute was appointed as an associate member of the health informatics graduate faculty at the University of Minnesota, becoming a senior member of the graduate faculty in 2005. In 1998, Dr. Chute was appointed co-principal investigator with Laël Gatewood, PhD of the joint University of Minnesota/Mayo Clinic National Library of Medicine Research Training Program in Medical Informatics. Throughout his career, Dr. Chute’s research focus has been in the domain of biomedical terminology and ontology, with a long-standing emphasis on scalable terminology services that can be used across biology and medicine. This work has extended into high-throughput disease phenotyping methods using electronic health records. Dr. Chute was inducted into the American College of Epidemiology in 1987, the American College of Physicians in 1988, and the American College of Medical Informatics in 1995.Christopher Chute begins by discussing his educational background and his decision to move to the Mayo Clinic in the late 1980s. Next, he discusses some of the health informatics research and educational projects that the Mayo Clinic and the University of Minnesota have collaborated on. Dr. Chute describes in detail the main research projects that he and the Division of Biomedical Informatics have worked on since the late 1980s, including research in the areas of biomedical terminology and ontology and the management of patient data in electronic medical records. He discusses his role in the University of Minnesota’s National Library of Medicine Research Training Program and the eventual formal incorporation of the Mayo Clinic into the training program. He discusses the changes in the training program over the course of the 1990s and early 2000s in the context of broader changes in the field of health informatics in particular and biomedical research more generally. Dr. Chute next discusses the efforts, beginning in the mid-2000s, to establish a collaborative health informatics training program between the Mayo Clinic, Arizona State University, and the University of Minnesota. He also discusses the process by which both the Mayo Clinic and the University of Minnesota secured Clinical Translation Science Awards. Finally, Dr. Chute reflects on the interprofessionalism that has characterized health informatics at the University of Minnesota.Chute, Christopher G.; Tobbell, Dominique. (2014). Interview with Christopher G. Chute. Retrieved from the University Digital Conservancy, https://hdl.handle.net/11299/168052
Interview with Nicholas Christopher, author of Somewhere in the Night: Film Noir and the American City
No full textInterview with Nicholas Christopher, author of Somewhere in the Night: Film Noir and the American Cit
Christopher G. Ruess portrait
No full textBlack-and-white portrait photograph of Christopher G. Ruess, Director of Education and Research, Los Angeles County Probation Department. Date possibly 1932
Matt Christopher Papers - Accession 1309
No full textThe collection includes letters written by the children’s book author, Matt Christopher, to his son, Marty Christopher. Many of the letters also contain newspaper articles of interest to Matt Christopher, which deal with local sports teams, his writing career, his participation in an exhibition baseball game against the New York Giants in 1938, and other of general interest. Most of the letters are personal in nature, however, a majority of the letters delve into Matt Christopher’s writing career, personal interests, the author’s health, as well as his family life.https://digitalcommons.winthrop.edu/manuscriptcollection_findingaids/2649/thumbnail.jp
Matt Christopher Papers - Accession 1221
No full textMatt Christopher (1917-1997) was a prolific author of children’s books having written over 100 books as well as over 300 short stories, articles, poems, and screenplays. Most of his writings dealt with sports themes, but he also wrote fantasy and mystery themed stories as well. The Matt Christopher Papers consist of both published and unpublished manuscripts, articles, and short stories. Also included are personal and business correspondence, biographical information, scrapbooks, photographs, and memorabilia.https://digitalcommons.winthrop.edu/manuscriptcollection_findingaids/1976/thumbnail.jp
Dr. Christopher von Rueden – Faculty Author Interview
No full textDr. Christopher von Rueden, an anthropologist and Assistant Professor in the Jepson School of Leadership Studies, discusses a recent article entitled, “Men’s status and reproductive success in 33 non-industrial societies: Effects of subsistence, marriage system, and reproductive strategy,” which he co-authored with Dr. Adrian Jaeggi, an anthropologist at Emory University. Their findings were recently published in the journal, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
Why birds matter: avian ecological function and ecosystem services/ Cagan H. Sekercioglu, Daniel G. Wenny, and Christopher J. Whelan, editors.
No full textIncludes bibliographical references and index.Foreword by Jeffrey A. Gordon; Preface; Chapter 1. Bird Ecosystem Services: Economic Ornithology for the 21st Century -- Christopher J. Whelan, Çağan H. Şekercioğlu, and Daniel G. Wenny; Chapter 2. Why Birds Matter Economically: Values, Markets, and Policies -- Matthew D. Johnson and Steven C. Hackett; Chapter 3. Trophic Interaction Networks and Ecosystem Services -- Christopher J. Whelan, Diana F. Tomback, Dave Kelly, and Matthew D. Johnson; Chapter 4. Pollination by Birds: A Functional Evaluation -- Sandra H. Anderson, Dave Kelly, Alastair W. Robertson, and Jenny J. Ladley.Chapter 5. Seed Dispersal by Fruit-Eating Birds -- Daniel G. Wenny, Çağan H. Şekercioğlu, Norbert J. Cordeiro, Haldre S. Rogers, and Dave KellyChapter 6. Dispersal of Plants by Waterbirds -- Andy J. Green, Merel Soons, Anne-Laure Brochet, and Erik Kleyheeg; Chapter 7. Seed Dispersal by Corvids: Birds That Build Forests -- Diana F. Tomback; Chapter 8. Ecosystem Services Provided by Avian Scavengers -- Travis L. DeVault, James C. Beasley, Zachary H. Olson, Marcos Moleón, Martina Carrete, Antoni Margalida, and José Antonio Sánchez-Zapata.Chapter 9. Nutrient Dynamics and Nutrient Cycling by Birds -- Motoko Fujita and Kayoko O. KamedaChapter 10. Avian Ecosystem Engineers: Birds That Excavate Cavities -- Chris Floyd and Kathy Martin; Chapter 11. Avian Ecological Functions and Ecosystem Services in the Tropics -- Çağan H. Şekercioğlu and Evan R. Buechley; Chapter 12. Why Birds Matter: Bird Ecosystem Services That Promote Biodiversity and Support Human Well-Being -- Çağan H. Şekercioğlu, Daniel G. Wenny, Christopher J. Whelan, and Chris Floyd; Contributors; Index.1 online resourc
F 266 Christopher G. Wayland (1852-1854) Headstone
No full text1 photograph; Color; Personal photograph taken by Sharon E. Neet of Christopher G. Wayland\u27s headstone in June 1987. Christopher G. Wayland died August 14, 1854, Aged 2 Years, 2 Months and 7 Days. The headstone rests in the Versailles City Cemetery, Versailles, Indiana.https://digitalcommons.pittstate.edu/wayland/1166/thumbnail.jp
(Un)holy Toledo: Intersectionality, Interdependence, and Neighborhood (Trans)formation in Toledo, Ohio
No full textResearch article by Christopher G. Shroeder about Toledo, Ohio's LGBTQ+ community in the 1950s through the 1970s. The article explores themes such as intersectionality, interdependence, and gentrification in the formation of a gay-friendly neighborhood in Toledo's Old West End. The article was published in the Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Volume 104, Issue 1, in 2014.(Un)holy Toledo: Intersectionality,
Interdependence, and Neighborhood
(Trans)formation in Toledo, Ohio
Christopher G. Schroeder
Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee
Research on largemetropolitan areas dominates understandings of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)
urban lives. Investigating cities further down the urban hierarchy can nuance accounting of LGBT and queer
place-making, neighborhood formation, and cultural politics. Comparative analysis can further illuminate the
local foundations of place-based logics. Through the conceptual lenses of intersectionality and interdependence,
this article looks at the appropriation and formation of Toledo’s LGBT neighborhood, the Old West End,
and its relation to another central-city neighborhood, Vistula; the development of the local LGBT and queer
community more broadly; and the interrelation of these gay and queer neighborhoods with other social sites
and spaces. This qualitative study involving oral histories and archival research demonstrates that community
organizing and neighborhood (trans)formation depend on a host of socio-spatial conditions. Although LGBT
neighborhood transformation is often conflated with gentrification, my findings suggest that intersectionality and
interdependence play a large role in LGBT neighborhood transformation. The critical quality for development
of the neighborhoods I investigated was an emerging arena for local lesbian and gay cultural politics, which
relied heavily on an intersectionality and interdependence between and among religion, sexuality, and class.
Key Words: interdependence, intersectionality, neighborhood transformation, religion, sexuality.
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La investigaci´on que se realiza sobre grandes ´areas metropolitanas concede notable importancia al tema de las
vidas urbanas de lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transexuales (LGBT). Al investigar en las ciudades de arriba abajo
en la jerarqu´ıa urbana es posible establecer conexiones de LGBT con la aparici´on de lugares raros, formaci´on
de vecindarios y pol´ıticas culturales. El an´alisis comparativo puede ayudar a iluminar los fundamentos locales
de la l´ogica basada en lugar. A trav´es de los lentes conceptuales de la inteseccionalidad y la inderdependencia,
este art´ıculo concentr´o sus observaciones sobre la siguientes cosas: la apropiaci´on y formaci´on del vecindario
LGBT de Toledo, el antiguo West End, y su relaci´on con el V´ıstula, otro barrio del centro urbano; el desarrollo
de la LGBT local y de la comunidad homosexual en t´erminos m´as generales; y la interrelaci´on entre estos
vecindarios gay y homosexuales con otros sitios y espacios sociales. El estudio cualitativo, que involucra historias
orales e investigaci´on de archivos, demuestra que el proceso de organizar comunidad y la (trans)formaci´on de un
vecindario depende de una multitud de condiciones socio-espaciales. Aunque la transformaci´on de un vecindario
LGBT a menudo se asocia con aburguesamiento, mis descubrimientos sugieren que la interseccionalidad y la
interdependencia juegan un papel importante en la transformaci´on de un barrio LGBT. La calidad cr´ıtica para el
desarrollo de los barrios que investigu´e era un escenario emergente de las pol´ıticas culturales locales de lesbianas
y gays, que se apoyaba fuertemente en la interseccionalidad e interdependencia entre religi´on, sexualidad y clase.
Palabras clave: interdependencia, interseccionalidad, transformaci´on de vecindarios, religi´on, sexualidad.
Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 104(1) 2014, pp. 166–181 C
2014 by Association of American Geographers
Initial submission, July 2012; revised submissions, May and August 2013; final acceptance, August 2013
Published by Taylor & Francis, LLC.
Intersectionality, Interdependence, and Neighborhood Transformation in Toledo, Ohio 167
Research on urban gay neighborhoods lacks a
strong emphasis on intersectionality and in-terdependence
of individuals—and individuals
working within and across groups—constructing those
places. Through a case study of early neighborhood
transformation in Toledo, a medium-sized city in the
U.S. Midwest, this article investigates socio-spatial
interconnectivity through the conceptual lens of in-tersectionality
and interdependence. Although social
categories intersect in myriad permutations,my primary
interest settles on the intersections of sexuality with
class and religion, because, as McCall (2005) noted,
“it becomes necessary to limit other dimensions of the
analysis . . . for the sake of comprehension” (1786). Fur-thermore,
the intersection of these social categories has
received far less attention in intersectionality research
(M. Brown 2011). By coupling intersectionality with
interdependence (J. Smith, Clark, and Yusoff 2007; G.
Brown 2009), I further focus on interactions whereby
groups and individuals, seemingly at odds, come to-gether
in meaningful ways, most notably in mutual co-operation
to resist oppression and inequality and in how
these relationships construct space and place.
Because urban gay neighborhoods have long been
conflated with gentrification, this article also addresses
interrelated gaps in the gentrification and sexualities
literatures. Similar to gentrification scholars’ calls for
looking at cities “down the urban hierarchy,” scholars
of sexualities have called for investigations of cities out-side
the core of major metropolises in the Global North
to provide broader perspective on the local specifici-ties
of processes of neighborhood formation (G. Brown
2008, 2009). This article expands the temporal and
spatial dimensions (D. P. Smith 2002; Phillips 2004;
Dutton 2005) of gentrification and sexuality research
by exploring neighborhood transformation in Toledo’s
central city from the mid-1950s to the late 1970s. In
addition to its economistic viewpoints, the literature
on gentrification provides rich accounts of the social
dynamics of neighborhood transformation.
Geographies of Gentrification
and Neighborhood Transformation
This article focuses on gentrification from the per-spective
of Warde’s “collective action” as differentiated
from the largely economic perspectives on production
and consumption, which are most commonly associ-ated
with the work of N. Smith (1986, 1996) and Ley
(1986, 1994). Others have sought to bridge the pro-duction
and consumption divide (Galster 2001), and
still others have attended to the social geographies of
gentrification (Butler and Robson 2001; Butler 2007).
The work of Caulfield (1989) and Butler and Robson
(2001) illustrates that the processes of gentrification
are nearly as diverse as the cities that experience it.
Butler and Robson’s (2001) comparison of three Lon-don
neighborhoods, in particular, exemplifies signifi-cant
differences among locales of gentrification as well
as gentrifiers’ socioeconomic backgrounds. Noting this
diversity of gentrification, Lees (2000) has argued for a
quasi-discipline devoted to the geography of gentrifica-tion,
much of which focuses on supergentrification in
global or world cities. Consequently, the study of gen-trification
and its gentrifiers in cities further down the
urban hierarchy or at other points in time is likely to be
neglected in this new geography of gentrification.
Likewise, research on the largest cities of the global
north dominates sexuality research, in which scholars
have mapped various gay enclaves, paying close
attention to the ways in which sexual minorities ap-propriate,
create, or identify with their neighborhoods.
Geographers and other scholars of sexuality continue
to explore the ways in which sexuality organizes urban
space, and many explicitly address the role of sexuality
in processes of gentrification. Initially, the work by
Levine (1979) or Castells and Murphy (1982) sought
to locate and investigate the underpinnings of concen-trations
of gay men in certain urban neighborhoods.
Additionally, Knopp (1997; see also Lauria and Knopp
1985) has further investigated the role gay men play in
urban neighborhoods.While contributing to gentrifica-tion,
this territorialization provided an important base
for political, cultural, economic, and social formation.
Researchers have paid less attention to lesbians’ en-gagement
with urban space, more or less conceding to
Castells’ presupposition that lesbians are more private
or home-centered and, therefore, less involved in
processes of gentrification (Castells and Murphy 1982).
Rothenberg’s (1995) study of Park Slope illustrates
lesbians’ involvement in gentrification and how the
neighborhood provides an important site for social for-mation
and subsequent visibility. In West Hollywood,
Forest (1995) investigated how gay men used media
to further a strategy based on an “ethnicity model” to
cohere a place-based gay image. Nash (2005) identified
a similar minority strategy employed to conceptualize
gay and lesbian identity, which activists linked
politically and symbolically to Toronto’s gay ghetto.
Few studies have investigated wider modes of
interdependence and intersectionality in the formation
of urban neighborhoods. The lack of intersectionality
reflected in most studies would indicate that sexual
168 Schroeder
minorities live in discrete nodes and only rarely inter-act
or intersect with other social categories, although
Podmore (2006) suggested that gay and lesbian neigh-borhoods
are more dynamic or fluid and less isolated
from other communities than other neighborhoods.
This is especially so in light of current shifts in gay and
lesbian visibility and status (G. Brown 2004), tenuous
as these shifts might be.
Gorman-Murray and Waitt (2009) illustrated one
of the shifts in the character of queer neighborhoods,
that of the “queer-friendly neighborhood.”Most impor-tant,
they analyzed the ways in which social cohesion
between heterosexual and same-sex attracted persons
was fostered and sustained. Social cohesion is not lim-ited
to queer-friendly neighborhoods (Butler 2007), but
social cohesion in queer-friendly neighborhoods indi-cates
little, if any, social conflict. Focusing on issues of
homonormative modes of consumption in gay neigh-borhoods,
G. Brown (2009) linked the economic and
social lives of gay men and lesbians while illustrating
the levels of interdependence between and among gay
men, lesbians, and others.
These studies illustrate an emergence of research on
interdependence and intersectionality, and they further
suggest the importance of such inquiry to understanding
the significance of collective action in shaping neigh-borhood
spaces. The dominant foci on queer consump-tion
and domesticity, however, occlude the role that
various institutions, especially religious institutions,
play in the formation of queer neighborhoods. Earlier
research by Paris and Anderson (2001) provides an ex-ception
through their case study of a Washington, DC,
neighborhood. Although they attended to the intersec-tions
of religion, sexuality, and neighborhood, they con-clude
that the presence of a Metropolitan Community
Church, largely composed of sexual minorities, threat-ens
to negatively impact the neighborhood at large. Al-though
they acknowledge the importance of a spiritual
space for those whom most mainstream religions have
marginalized, ultimately their concern is how this con-gregation
induces gentrification. Consequently, the au-thors
render the neighborhood as not socially cohesive,
not queer friendly. Because the authors obfuscate ho-mophobia,
one assumes perhaps that it is the queers who
are unfriendly. At any rate, the study also illustrates in-directly
the difficulty of decoupling marginal gentrifiers,
or first-phase gentrifiers with moderate incomes (Rose
1984; Caulfield 1989), from processes of gentrification
(Smith 1987), especially when marginal groups com-pete
against each other for space. Although not named
outright, intersectionality weaves throughout these
examples of neighborhood transformation. The works
suggest scholars must be more attuned to the ways
individuals and groups, inhabiting differing so-cial
categories, intersect and how this constructs
neighborhoods. Locating modes of interdependence,
furthermore, can help explicate how some individuals
and groups (trans)form neighborhoods through mutual
cooperation, even in the face of opposition or tensions.
Intersectionality and Interdependence:
Sexuality, Religion, and Class
In this section, I bring together two concepts,
intersectionality and interdependence, to examine
how individuals and groups claiming various identities
cooperate meaningfully at the neighborhood scale.
Geographers and other social scientists attend to the
intricacies of various modes of interconnectivity, but
geographers have focused less on intersectionality
(Valentine 2007) and interdependence (J. Smith,
Clark, and Yusoff 2007). Feminist scholars first de-ployed
both terms, the former originating in critical
race studies with a focus on the complexities of gender
and race (Crenshaw 1991). The latter emanated
from psychological development theories, focusing on
differences between women and men in relation to
ethics, morality, and care (Gilligan [1982] 2003).
Building on Crenshaw’s initial work, McCall (2005)
outlines three frameworks for investigating intersec-tionality:
anticategorical, intracategorical, and inter-categorical.
An “interest in relationships among groups
underlies” (McCall 2005, 1785) all three approaches.
All three approaches also recognize that categories
are fluid, not fixed. Intercategorical “begins with the
observation that there are relationships of inequality
among already constituted social groups” (McCall 2005,
1784–85) and “focuses on the complexity of relation-ships
among social groups within and across analytical
categories” (1786). To concentrate on the complexi-ties
of intercategorical intersections, this framework is
less concerned with the dynamics within a single group
but nonetheless acknowledges the relationship between
individual and social groups insofar as it requires clas-sifying
individuals into analytic categories. The inter-categorical
approach to intersectionality attends to the
simultaneity of advantage and disadvantage. As such,
this perspective can address Valentine’s (2007) con-cern
that researchers have not fully investigated inter-sectionality
in relation to “how privileged or powerful
identities are ‘done’ and ‘undone’ ” (14).
Intersectionality, Interdependence, and Neighborhood Transformation in Toledo, Ohio 169
Geographers have only recently begun to em-ploy
theories of intersectionality (Valentine 2007;
Valentine and Waite 2011). Like most other scholars
researching intersectionality, they have relied on the
intracategorical perspectives, examining ways in which
social identities and categories intersect on the body
and how individuals produce their lived experiences
or “identities of the self” (Fernandes 1997, 309). In a
recent special issue of Sexualities, geographers and other
scholars of sexualities examined the intersections of
sexuality and class (Taylor 2011) while acknowledging
the relative neglect of such intersections. S. Jackson
(2011) highlighted the need for research on sexuality
and class to explore classed identities among sexual
minorities and how heterosexuality intersects with
class and (uneven) class privilege. Theorizing inter-sectionality
contributes to understanding the processes
through which social categories are produced, although
it “has paid scant attention to the significance of space
in processes of subject formation” (Valentine 2007, 14).
That attention, moreover, has focused on the sites in
which intersecting subjectivity is lived or experienced
by the individual and less on how intersecting identities
and categories construct space—and even less on how
groups and individuals representing different social
categories and subjectivities intersect to construct
space. In one recent exception, Binnie and Skeggs
(2004) examined how consumption patterns inManch-ester’s
gay commercial scene exclude on the basis of
class.
Recently, geographers have explored the intersec-tion
of sexuality and religion, primarily in what McCall
(2005) might call specific points of intersection within
a single group—emphasizing individuals’ religious and
spiritual practices. For example, Vanderbeck and col-leagues
(2011) focused on lesbian and gay Anglicans’
activism over their status within their religion, and
Rouhani (2007) has looked at queer Muslim religious
activism. Queer Spiritual Spaces (Browne, Munt, and
Yip 2010) showcases the ways in which LGBT and
queer individuals navigate and negotiate the shifting
contours of diverse religions, emphasizing aspects of
faith and spirituality more so than direct activism.
Although social scientists have given considerable
attention to the Christian Right in the United States
and its engagements with the state (Sharp 1999; Fetner
2008), Sziarto (2008) pointed out that scholars have
paid less attention to more progressive religious orga-nizations
and that they often share “progressive stances
on issues of gender, sexuality, and economic justice”
(410). She examines how religion and associated
modes of spirituality intersect and lend legitimacy to
labor movements. Conversely, Valentine and Waite
(2011) investigated how competing interests within
the “equality strands” are managed and negotiated,
namely, between religion and sexuality, including het-erosexuality.
Importantly, their research demonstrates
how individuals from potentially competing groups
intersect and navigate everyday spaces to avoid conflict.
Valentine and Waite (2011) examined “banal en-counters,”
but interdependence offers a lens through
which to explore further the ways in which already-constituted
social groups, and individuals constituting
such groups, interact and intersect. Interdependence
involves interactions that rely on mutual care, go-ing
beyond everyday friendliness. The term originated
in feminist psychological scholarship to identify the
“growing comprehension of the dynamic of social in-teractions”
(Gilligan [1982] 2003, 74), namely, with
concerns about care, ethics, and morality. As Gilligan
([1982] 2003) stated, “This ethics, which reflects a cu-mulative
knowledge of human relationships, evolves
around a central insight, that self and other are inter-dependent”
(74). This framing is particularly apt for in-vestigations
of religion and sexuality, as many religious
institutions continue to grapple with ethics of caring for
sexualminorities and aspects ofmorality therein (Moon
2004).
Lately, some geographers have deployed the term
interdependence as a way of thinking about social,
cultural, and ecological interactions (J. Smith, Clark,
and Yusoff 2007). G. Brown (2009) used the term to
examine gay men’s alternative economic practices and
performances in relation to their spaces of consumption
and domesticity. “In mobilizing the term ‘interdepen-dence,’
” he furthers an understanding of “unexpected
social relationships” and interconnections “that
engender hope and nurturing” (G. Brown 2009, 1500).
Although Blokland (2003) evokes the term in relation
to social interactions at the scale of the neighborhood,
her examples limit interdependence to quotidian in-teractions
between and among neighbors, which does
not convey the high level of mutual care demonstrated
in Gilligan’s conceptualization of interdependence.
Interdependence differs from other terminology re-searchers
use to harness various forms of social and spa-tial
interconnectivity, such as social/cultural cohesion,
social mixing, and social preservation. Governmental
agencies in the developed world have promoted social
mixing with a goal of social cohesion particularly among
differing income groups in a neighborhood, thereby
theoretically ameliorating so-called ills associated with
170 Schroeder
concentrated poverty (Forrest and Kearns 1999; Lees
2008). Many scholars have critiqued social mixing as
merely state-sanctioned gentrification (Lees 2008).
Through her empirical research on social mixing, Rose
(2004) offers ambiguous findings, echoing Butler and
Robson’s (2001) findings that social mixing does not
inevitably result in integration or even significant in-teraction.
Butler and Lees (2006) suggested that actual
social mixing might be more pronounced among early,
or pioneer, gentrifiers, whereas Rose provided a typol-ogy
of gentrifiers’ (un)willingness to socially mix: “the
ignorant/indifferents,” the “Nimbies,” the “tolerants,”
and the “egalitarians” (Rose 2004). The latter two share
a propinquity to Brown-Saracino’s (2009) conceptual-ization
of social preservationists. Brown-Saracino does
not ignore the destructive forces of gentrification; in-stead,
she analyzes the lived experience of both old and
new residents as they seek to preserve a perceived au-thenticity
threatened by neighborhood transformation.
Even when social mixing induces social co
Cognitive Bias Modification for Depression
No full textChapter titled, "Cognitive Bias Modification for Depression" written by Christopher G. Beevers, Mary E. McNamara, Mackenzie Zisser, and Rachel L. Weisenburger for a forthcoming book, APA Handbook of Depression, edited by Jeremy Pettit and Thomas Olino
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