18 research outputs found
A felvidéki soltészfalvakról
No full textThe aim of the author in this essay is to analize some terms: more Scultetorum, sub iure Saxonum, iuxta consuetudinem Scepus. She comes to the conclusion that these words usually indicated those „hospes"-\awy which originally were brought into the Hugarian Kingdom by German „hospites" and were completed with Hungarian characteristics. These terms were also used as the name of the elements of the „hospes"-law
Formative synonymia of adjectives in dialects – selected interpretative issue.
No full textAutor prezentuje wybrane problemy analizy odprzymiotnikowych derywatów, które wchodzą w relacje synonimii słowotwórczej. Na przykładzie występujących w gwarach Polski centralnej przymiotników ekspresywnych oraz oznaczających intensyfikację cechy lub jej osłabienie omawia trudności związane z interpretacją znaczenia derywatów oraz funkcji formantów, które je tworzą. Przymiotniki oznaczające wysoki stopień natężenia danej cechy tworzą szeregi synonimów bliskoznacznych, których formanty, pełnią różną funkcję – ekspresywną (np. -uchny, -uśki, -utki, -usi, -usieńki) oraz wzmacniającą i wyolbrzymiającą nazywaną cechę (np. -chny, -achny, -alachny, -aśny, -aśki). Szczególną uwagę zwraca się na kontekst, który odgrywa podstawową rolę w prawidłowym odczytaniu znaczenia przymiotników o znaczeniu cechy niepełnej. Jest on podstawowym narzędziem selekcji materiału, w którym te same formanty (np. -awy, przy-, przy-/-awy) tworzą derywaty wskazujące na osłabienie cechy podstawowej oraz jej nadmiar.The author presents selected issues of an analysis of adjectival derivatives which are parts of formative synonymia. She discusses difficulties with the interpretation of the meaning of derivatives and the function of the formants that create them. The analysis is based on expressive adjectives that indicate intensification and weakening of a feature. These adjectives occur in the dialects of central Poland. The adjectives indicating a high degree of intensity of a given feature result in a number of synonyms whose formants fulfil different functions: expressive (e.g. -uchny, -uśki, -utki, -usi, -usieńki), strengthening and exaggerating (e.g. -chny, -achny, -alachny, -aśny, -aśki). Special attention has been paid to the context that plays a primary role in the understanding of adjectives of an incomplete feature. It is a major tool of selecting the material in which the same formants (e.g. -awy, przy-, przy-/-awy) create derivatives indicating the weakening or excess of the primary feature
Review of anaesthetic management for cataract surgery in transplant recipients
No full text\ua9 The Author(s) 2020. The prevalence of transplantation is on the increase worldwide. Corneal transplantation is the most common form of human donor transplantation. Transplantation of other organs and bone marrow is established treatment for various end-organ failure and many haematological conditions, respectively. Success and survival of these patients have increased with advances in immunosuppression. Unfortunately, these patients are susceptible to cataract formation as a consequence of immunosuppressive therapy and accelerated progression of several diseases. Topical anaesthesia and regional ophthalmic blocks are ideal for cataract surgery in cooperative adults. General anaesthesia may be required in children, for extremely anxious or claustrophobic adults and for complex surgery such as simultaneous cataract and corneal transplantation. The perioperative anaesthetic management of cataract surgery in a transplant recipient is no different to a standard technique in a healthy adult, but additional challenges are posed by the underlying pathology necessitating transplantation, function of the transplanted organ, physiological and pharmacological problems of allograft denervation, side-effects of immunosuppression, risk of infection and potential for rejection. This narrative review summarises optimal anaesthetic management in transplant recipients undergoing cataract surgery
Misalignment Between Perceptual Boundaries and Weight Categories Reflects a New Normal for Body Size Perception
No full text© 2021, The Author(s). Combatting the current global epidemic of obesity requires that people have a realistic understanding of what a healthy body size looks like. This is a particular issue in different population sub-groups, where there may be increased susceptibility to obesity-related diseases. Prior research has been unable to systematically assess body size judgement due to a lack of attention to gender and race; our study aimed to identify the contribution of these factors. Using a data-driven multi-variate decision tree approach, we varied the gender and race of image stimuli used, and included the same diversity among participants. We adopted a condition-rich categorization visual task and presented participants with 120 unique body images. We show that gender and weight categories of the stimuli affect accuracy of body size perception. The decision pattern reveals biases for male bodies, in which participants showed an increasing number of errors from leaner to bigger bodies, particularly under-estimation errors. Participants consistently mis-categorized overweight male bodies as normal weight, while accurately categorizing normal weight. Overweight male bodies are now perceived as part of an expanded normal: the perceptual boundary of normal weight has become wider than the recognized BMI category. For female bodies, another intriguing pattern emerged, in which participants consistently mis-categorized underweight bodies as normal, whilst still accurately categorizing normal female bodies. Underweight female bodies are now in an expanded normal, in opposite direction to that of males. Furthermore, an impact of race type and gender of participants was also observed. Our results demonstrate that perceptual weight categorization is multi-dimensional, such that categorization decisions can be driven by ultiple factors.University of Tennessee Health Science Centre; Brunel University London
Parental restriction reduces the harmful effects of in-bedroom electronic devices
No full textObjective To investigate whether school readiness could be affected by placing electronic devices (EDs) in children's bedroom and whether the relationship was moderated by parental restriction and family socioeconomic status (SES). Design This is a cross-sectional study with bedroom ED placement and parental restriction reported by parents. Multiple linear regressions were used to test the relationship between school readiness and ED placement. Multiple regression with interaction terms were used to test whether the effect was consistent with and without parental restriction. Setting Kindergartens randomly selected from two districts of different socioeconomic backgrounds in Hong Kong, China. Patients 556 young children attending the third year of kindergarten. Main outcome measures Children's school readiness was rated by teachers using the Chinese Early Development Instrument. Results 556 preschoolers (mean age 5.46; 51.8% girls) from 20 kindergartens participated in this study. About 30% of parents placed at least one ED in their children's bedroom. After controlling for sex and SES, the placement of television in the bedroom was associated with lower overall school readiness (β -1.11, 95% CI -1.80 to -0.42) and the placement of game console was associated with lower social competence (β-0.94, 95% CI -1.74 to -0.15). Such harmful effect was more prominent among lower SES families and could be partially alleviated with parental restriction. Conclusion ED placement in children's bedroom was associated with lower school readiness, particularly among lower SES families. Parental restriction might help to alleviate the harm. © Article author(s) (or their employer(s) unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2017. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.postprin
Changes of ATP and ADP in cultured astrocytes under and after in vitro ischemia
No full textA very large body of evidence from in vivo studies has been accumulated on a link between the change of energy and cell survival/apoptosis. Using an in vitro ischemia model, we have previously shown that ischemia could induce apoptosis in astrocytes. In this study, we utilized the same in vitro model to investigate changes in ATP and ADP levels in cultured astrocytes and attempted to demonstrate an energy-cell death linkage. Astrocytes remained unaltered after 2 hr of ischemia but were moderately or severely damaged after 4 or 6-8 hr, respectively. The astrocytes that survived various lengths of in vitro ischemic incubation retained their ability to produce ATP after ischemia. Both ATP and ADP levels were increased in astrocytes that remained alive under in vitro ischemia for over 6 hr. The largest decline in the percent of viable astrocytes during ischemia corresponded well to the reduction in ATP and ADP levels in these cultures.Biochemistry & Molecular BiologyNeurosciencesSCI(E)PubMed14ARTICLE121663-16682
Treatment time for non-surgical endodontic therapy with or without a magnifying loupe
No full textBackground:
Use of magnifying loupe may increase the efficiency of dental care. This clinical trial compared the time in performing non-surgical endodontic therapy with or without the use of a magnifying loupe.
Methods:
Patients who required primary endodontic treatment in clinical trial centres at the University of Hong Kong (HKU) in Hong Kong and Peking University (PKU) in Beijing were invited to participate in this study. Two HKU dentists and 2 PKU dentists, forming 2 pairs of dentists with similar years of clinical experience, performed endodontic treatments according to the same procedures and used the same materials, either in single or multiple visits. They had no prior experience with the use of a magnifying loupe. One dentist from each pair was trained to use a magnifying loupe (x2.5). The treatment time was recorded.
Results:
Eighty-four PKU patients with a mean age of 42.8 years and 98 HKU patients with a mean age of 46.0 years were recruited in this study. Ninety-six teeth were treated with a magnifying loupe and 86 teeth were treated without a magnifying loupe. The results showed that treatment time was not associated with age, gender, tooth vitality, or the presence of apical radiolucency or sinus tract. The results of ANCOVA revealed the treatment time was associated with the clinic (HKU or PKU), root canal system (single or multiple), presence of preoperative pain, treatment visit (single or multiple), the use of a magnifying loupe, and the experience of the operator.
Conclusion:
In this study, the use of a magnifying loupe could significantly reduce the endodontic treatment time.
Trial registration:
Clinical Trials ChiCTR-IOR-15005988 registered 15 February 2015.published_or_final_versio
Incidence of post-obturation pain after single-visit versus multiple-visit non-surgical endodontic treatments
No full textBackground: Post-obturation pain is frustrating to both patients and dentists. Its incidence may change with the use of contemporary endodontic techniques. This randomised clinical trial aims to compare the incidence of post-obturation pain at one and seven days after single-visit and multiple-visit non-surgical endodontic treatments. Methods: Patients who required primary endodontic treatment in the two clinical trial centres in Hong Kong (HK) and in Beijing (PK) were recruited. Three HK dentists and three PK dentists performed endodontic treatments on 567 teeth using the same procedures and materials, either in a single visit or over multiple visits, using either core carrier or cold lateral condensation for obturation. Results: The attrition rate was 5.1 %, and a total of 538 teeth were evaluated. Among these teeth, 232 (43 %) were operated in HK, 275 (51 %) were treated in a single visit, and 234 (43 %) were treated using core carrier obturation. Logistic regression analysis showed that teeth with apical periodontitis (OR = 0.35, 95 % CI = 0.21-0.57, p < 0.01) and less pre-operative pain (OR = 1.10, 95 % CI = 1.03-1.18, p < 0.01) had lower incidences of post-obturation pain after one day. The incidences of post-obturation pain after one day for single-visit and multiple-visit treatments were 24.7 % (68 of 275) and 33.5 % (88 of 263), respectively (p = 0.50). The incidences of post-obturation pain after seven days for single-visit and multiple-visit treatments were 4.0 % (11 of 275) and 5.3 % (14 of 263), respectively (p = 0.47). Conclusions: There was no significant difference in the incidences of post-obturation pain after one day and seven days with single-visit or multiple-visit endodontic treatments.SCI(E)[email protected]; [email protected]
Characterization of an acrosome protein VAD1.2/AEP2 which is differentially expressed in spermatogenesis
No full textThe release of enzymes from the acrosome of the sperm head (acrosome reaction) starts the fertilization process and enables the spermatozoa to penetrate the zona pellucida of the oocytes. Defective acrosome reaction is one of the important causes of infertility in men. To investigate the molecular regulation of spermatogenesis in vivo, we used differential display reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction to identify stage-specific genes in a retinol-supplemented vitamin-A deficiency (VAD) rat model and identified the VAD1.2 (acrosome-expressed protein 2, AEP2) gene, which was expressed strongly in the rat testis from post-natal day 32 to adult stage. The mouse VAD1.2 mRNA shared 85% and 67% sequence homology, and 74% and 38% amino acid homology, respectively, with the rat and human counterparts. VAD1.2 transcript was abundantly expressed in the rat seminiferous tubules at stage VIII-XII, and the protein was detected in the acrosome region of the round and elongated spermatids of mouse, human, monkey and pig. VAD1.2 co-localized with lectin-PNA to the acrosome region of spermatids. Interestingly, the expression of VAD1.2 protein in human testis diminished in patients with hypospermatogenesis, maturation arrest, undescended testis and Sertoli cell-only syndrome. Co-immunoprecipitation experiments followed by western blotting and mass spectrometry (MS-MS) identified syntaxin 1, β-actin and myosin heavy chain (MHC) proteins as putative interacting partners. Taken together, the stage-specific expression of VAD1.2 in the acrosome of spermatids and the binding of VAD1.2 protein with vesicle forming (syntaxin 1) and structural (β-actin and MHC) proteins suggest that VAD1.2 maybe involved in acrosome formation during spermiogenesis. © The Author 2008. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. All rights reserved.link_to_subscribed_fulltex
Studies on the s_dm.t=f verb form in Classical Egyptian
No full textThis study is devoted to some synchronic aspects of the sDm.t=f verb form, primarily its meaning and uses in Classical Egyptian. In the introduction some attention is paid to the history of the studies of the form and its origin, an aspect which will receive no further consideration. In accordance with present common opinion the sDm.t=f is here considered to belong to the suffix conjugation. Ch. I is primarily concerned with the active Dr sDm.t=f construction, but begins with a general introduction to the form. The author proceeds from the description in Gardiner's standard grammar. Three uses are distinguished there: (1) the negative construction n sDm.t=f "before he has/had heard", "while he has/had not (yet) heard", "he has not (yet) heard" (a remark that the temporal notion "not yet", "before" is only very rarely absent is added); (2) the use after the prepositions/conjunctions m "when", xft "when", m-xt "after", mi "like", r "until", and Dr "since", "from the moment that", but also "before", "until"; (3) the use as a narrative tense. Gardiner notes that the use after the first four prepositions/conjunctions is not certain. It might concern the infinitive with -t-ending, since only examples of verbs with a feminine infinitive are known. Next, the more recent opinions on the uses and meaning of the sDm.t=f are described. In accordance with common opinion, the sDm.t=f in narrative use is considered non-existent, because all forms used in evidence may also be regarded as infinitives. While there is unanimity of opinion on the existence of n sDm.t=f, this is not so for the use after prepositions. Some scholars recognize the use of the form after all six prepositions/conjunctions mentioned by Gardiner, but others only the two certain uses after r and Dr. Two problems regarding r and Dr confront us here. The first is that some scholars also claim the meaning "so that he hears/heard" (has/had heard)" for r sDm.t=f, in addition to the generally accepted "until he hears/heard (has/had heard)"; this is only a minor problem, however, since both translations have the same time reference. A weightier problem for the author is that for the indubitable construction Dr sDm.t=f some scholars accept both a relative past translation with "since/from the moment that he has/had heard", and a relative future one with "before he has/had heard", whereas others accept only one or other of the two. The author does not believe it to be coincidence that only the indubitable constructions n sDm.t=f and r sDm.t=f can be translated with the conjunctions "before" and "until" expressing the relative future, respectively. Relating this relative future time reference to the uncertain use after the prepositions/conjunctions m, m-xt, mi, and xft, which do not have this time reference, he feels justified in leaving them out of consideration. Westendorf's hypothesis that the sDm.t=f verb form denotes the relative future is taken up again. On this basis the provisional hypothesis that the three indubitable sDm.t=f constructions (and not the form) share a relative future time reference is formulated. Then, the only problematical construction in this respect, Dr sDm.t=f, requires closer observation. Before proceeding to this construction, the basics concerning the concepts "tense" and "time reference", and concerning the distinction between relative and absolute tenses or time reference as used in this study are described. It is pointed out that the absolute time reference of present, past and future is related to the moment of speaking, whereas this is different with relative time reference. In this case there is a Reference point, that is, some point in time given by the context. This is not necessarily the absolute present, which is, however, always available as the Reference point. Temporal clauses expressing the notions "while/when (simultaneously)", or "after/since"/ "while/when already", or "before/until"/ "while yet to" have relative present, relative past and relative future time references, respectively. A finite relative tense grammaticizes as relative present tense simultaneity ("I hear/am hearing") relative to a Reference point in the context; as relative past tense anteriority ("I have already heard") relative to it; and as relative future posteriority ("I am yet to hear") relative to it. The relative tense may be related to the type of Reference point which itself is an 'empty' anchor point, thus not having absolute time reference of its own (in contrast to, for example, absolute time adverbials like "tomorrow", "yesterday", "today"). Therefore, a distinction is now made between the Reference situation and the Reference point as a word (or expression) to which the relative tense is syntactically related and which relates itself by its relative temporal meaning to the Reference situation providing the absolute time. Of course, the Reference point and the Reference situation may well coincide. For the sake of clarity it should be pointed out that our 'modern languages' do not possess finite relative tenses, but they do have verb forms that combine absolute and relative time reference, such as the pluperfect and the future perfect, both of which express anteriority relative to a Reference point, which in the case of the pluperfect is situated before the absolute present, but in the absolute future when it concerns the future perfect. Of course, the reference time and the time of the wider context may differ, for example, "yesterday he said: 'I shall wash myself before I enter the temple hall'". Entering the temple is located in the future relative to the absolute future Reference situation of "going to wash myself", while the time reference of the context is absolute past: "yesterday he said". This exposition on time reference is the more necessary since Gardiner, and others after him, have stated that the time of the sDm.t=f in all its certain uses is the relative past. This bluntly contradicts the translation of precisely those certain constructions r sDm.t=f with "until" and n sDm.t=f/Dr sDm.t=f with "before". Among the certain uses the statement is only in agreement with the translation of Dr sDm.t=f with "since/from the moment that". This construction is now concentrated upon. The discussion of the evidence shows that "before" is an obligatory, or at least a suitable, translation of Dr sDm.t=f, not only in the few indubitable examples--that is to say, where the form cannot also be the infinitive--but also where we are dealing with morphologically ambiguous forms which can, nevertheless, be identified with certainty as the sDm.t=f on other grounds. It is postulated that all examples of Dr + alleged sDm.t=f with the meaning "since/from the moment that" contain the feminine infinitive (see further Appendix B). Next, the equivalent of the core meaning of the substantive Dr(w) "limit" with respect to the derived Dr as temporal preposition/conjunction is defined as "(at) an ultimate time point". The translation with "before" of Dr sDm.t=f can be brought into agreement with the common role of 'starting point' ("since from the moment that/of") of Dr as a preposition/conjunction in Dr + Prospective sDm=f/ + infinitive/ + substantive if it is assumed that in these cases "since/from the moment that/of" is only an interpretation, as in English "(since/from) the moment that he was born/of his birth he has appeared as king". Also, in Dr sDm.t=f the time point represented by Dr can be regarded as located at the beginning of the part of the time line occupied by the situations of the main and the subordinate clauses: ia=i wi Dr aq.t=i r iwnyt actually means "I shall wash myself at a time that I am to enter the temple hall yet". The hypothesis is now narrowed down to the formulation that the sDm.t=f verb form is a relative future tense meaning "he is yet to hear relative to a Reference point/situation in the context". This would explain the location of the Event in the subordinate clause in a future relative to the 'empty' Reference point of Dr, which coincides with the Reference situation in the main clause and forms the transfer point for the reference time. In ch. II, on the active r sDm.t=f construction, the author proceeds from the results obtained in ch. I for the sister construction Dr sDm.t=f. It is postulated that r sDm.t=f has the exclusive temporal meaning "until he hears/heard (has/had heard)", in contrast to r + Prospective sDm=f with consecutive (/final) "so that he hears/heard". Attention is drawn to r + infinitive in the Pseudoverbal Sentence iw=f r sDm, which always has the temporal significance of "underway in time to" ® "shall, will". Generally speaking, however, the construction as adverbial adjunct is thought to have the final meaning "to the purpose of", but the author assumes that in the latter use too the meaning can be temporal "until". Furthermore, it is emphasized that identification of a verb form + expressed agent as a suffix conjugation form and not as the infinitive only rests on an assumption. In this view r + infinitive as adverbial adjunct has a semantically intermediate position which allows the translation with temporal "until" as well as with modal "to the purpose of". After establishing that the r sDm.t=f construction occurs while related to the three possible absolute reference times, the author discusses the constructions r snb.t=f "until he is better" versus r snb=f (Hr-awy), which frequently occur in the medical texts. The latter construction must be translated either with "so that he will be better (very soon)" when a Prospective sDm=f is identified, or with "until his being better" (r snb=f) / "to the purpose of his being better (very soon)" (r snb=f (Hr-awy)) in case of identification as the infinitive. Although some scholars are of the opinion that the construction r Hst=f, known in a number of variants, contains the sDm.t=f and must be translated with "so that he praises/praised", the author, following Gunn, identifies a relative form: r Hst=f "with a view at what he praises/praised". To corroborate the postulate that r + Prospective sDm=f has only modal and not temporal meaning, some examples are presented of r + forms without -t-affix as adverbial adjunct which favour an identification as masculine infinitive, with the possible translation "until". Finally, in this chapter the roles of the preposition/conjunction r and the sDm.t=f are subjected to closer observation. It is demonstrated that the preposition/conjunction r lengthens the main clause situation into a process which continues "all the time before" a final point expressed by the sDm.t=f and the beginning of which serves as reference time. The hypothesis of the sDm.t=f as being a relative future tense in this construction, too, can be maintained without problem. In ch. III, on the active n sDm.t=f construction, the point of departure is that the form is a unity, and therefore an attempt must be made to bring the three uses n sDm.t=f and Dr/r sDm.t=f under one common semantic denominator. In the section establishing that, just like the r sDm.t=f construction, n sDm.t=f also occurs as related to the three possible absolute reference times, the common translation "before he has/had heard" is provisionally employed, in order to underscore that in this translation the construction can be interpreted in terms of relative future time reference and that the rather common acceptance of a relative past time reference is incorrect. Next, a linguistic analysis by Comrie of the 'still', 'no longer' and 'not yet' tenses in a Bantu language is quoted in some detail. Comrie points out there that a presupposition (i.e. something underlying the utterance and taken for granted by the speaker, and assumedly by the adressee as well) may underlie the assertion of a verb form, and is then grammaticized in its meaning. Furthermore, he explains that, although it seems that in an utterance like "he has not yet heard" it is asserted that "hearing" will occur in the future, this time reference is only an implicature, i.e. something that can reasonably be inferred, though it is not actually said. According to him, the utterance asserts no more than "he has not heard in the past up to the present". Furthermore, he argues that the distinction between a presupposition and an implicature is that a presupposition cannot be cancelled when disclosed under negation, which can thus contradict only part of the meaning; in contrast, it is possible to cancel an implicature with arguments in the context. Implicature is not part of the meaning of a verb form, in contrast to presupposition as underlying the assertion. Since in Dr sDm.t=f specifically the original meaning of Dr as being neutral to absolute time reference proves that the verb form has relative future meaning, this time reference must be part of the meaning of the verb form. On the one hand, relative future time reference as implicature in Egyptian n sDm.t=f must therefore be excluded, while on the other Comrie has stated that an implicature is present in its most suitable translation "(while) he has not yet heard". Because this translation cannot be the literal one, we must be dealing with a 'translation trap'. When the n sDm.t=f construction is used in a situation which is located in the absolute past, it becomes evident that it is not being asserted that the Event has not taken place, but only that this Event has not occurred at the time of the Reference situation. The occurrence of the Event in a relative future is not affected by the negation. This seems to me to reveal a presupposition of an 'Event in the relative future'. Since the relative future time reference is part of the meaning of the sDm.t=f, adaptation of the usual translation "while he has/had not yet heard" is required. In a literal translation the sentence sr=sn Da n iy.t=f with absolute past time reference must be rendered "they foretold a storm, when 'it was yet to come' was not holding", and with absolute present time reference "they foretell a storm, while 'it is yet to come' is not holding". The view that the sDm.t=f is a relative tense offers a solution to the question of how it is possible that the negation in n sDm.t=f does not deny the occurrence of the Event in a relative future, but only its occurrence at the time of the Reference situation. This is because such a tense grammaticizes two time points in its meaning, one of the Event, the other of the Reference point/situation. When thus, by the very meaning of a relative tense, the Event is related in time to a Reference point/situation which is grammaticized in that meaning, that Event is presupposed, and as such a presupposition. It is pointless to relate a nonexistent or potentially nonexistent Event to a Reference point/situation. In n sDm.t=f this presupposition of a 'relative future Event' is revealed: being part of the meaning of the verb form, the presupposition cannot be denied by the negation, whence the negation can only turn to the non-presuppositional part of the meaning and assert that the occurrence of the Event does not take place at the time of the Reference point/situation. This all results in an obligatory translation with "not yet", but for all practical purposes the usual and suitable translation with a past tense should be maintained. Two cases of n sDm.t=f constructions--whether correctly identified as such or not--where the 'not yet' notion seems to be absent are briefly discussed. The rare indubitable examples of n sDm.t=f in the main clause are presented, including--in anticipation--some passive sDm.t=f forms which form important evidence for this use. Finally, the omission of the suffix pronoun in certain n sDm.t=f constructions is studied, which phenomenon primarily occurs when it concerns n sDm.t=f in the 'true' and the 'virtual' relative clause. This omission can be explained from the specialization of the meaning of n sDm.t=f to indicate something like "before the Event", and from the situation that the negation and the verb form are bound together. Ch. IV deals with the passive form sDm.t=f/ms.(y)t=f (where the verb msi represents the ult.inf. verbs, in which an optionally defectively written -y-infix occurs in front of the t). First, it is emphasized that this form is simply the finite passive form of the active sDm.t=f, and not, in a more detached formulation, its 'passive counterpart'. Attention is drawn to the formal resemblance between the passive sDm.t=f/ms.(y)t=f and the defectively written passivized sDm.t(w)=f. Since this has an effect on the translation, a case is extensively discussed in this light. Then, the author presents a series of passages from the religious literature which contain passive n sDm.t=f/ ms.yt/ms.(y)t=f constructions. They deal with the conception, the birth and the existence of the deceased speaker in primordial times, before the gods etc. had come into existence. After the discussion of two certain examples of n fx.t=f "when he had not yet been circumcised" and of the rare other indubitable n sDm.t=f constructions with passive meaning, instances of the passive r sDm.t=f/r ms.(y)t=f are studied, as well as one with passive Dr ms.(y)t=f. Now that all obstacles to the definition of the sDm.t=f in its three uses as a relative future tense have been removed, Ch. V turns to other aspects of the verb form proper and the relationship with other relative tenses in Classical Egyptian. The chapter begins with a survey of the forms of the stem in the mutable verbs. Next, it is pointed out that the relative future tense sDm.t=f can best be studied from the viewpoint of the existence of other relative tenses in Classical Egyptian, the Circumstantial sDm=f and sDm.n=f, which are the relative present and the relative past tense, respectively. Their characters as relative tenses are discussed, as well as the problem of their adverbial nature in both the circumstantial clause and in the main clause constructions iw sDm=f/sDm.n=f and aHa.n sDm.n=f. Whereas the Circumstantial sDm=f/sDm.n=f in the subordinate clause are usually related to a reference situation in the main clause, the main clause constructions iw sDm=f/sDm.n=f and aHa.n sDm.n=f have their particles as absolute present Reference point and, taken in their entirety as compound verb forms, they have absolute time reference themselves. The semantic function of the Circumstantial sDm=f/sDm.n=f as relative tenses is identical in the main and the subordinate clauses. For this reason the author takes a stand against Collier's recent analysis of the Circumstantial sDm=f/sDm.n=f after particles as verbal verb forms in the sense of Polotsky's Standard Theory. Since the verb form and the particle are bound, semantically as well as syntactically, the compound verb forms are, in the view of the author and others, best viewed as verbal verb forms in their own right. However, Collier's view that the morphologically adverbial forms in iw sDm=f/sDm.n=f/substantive and aHa.n sDm.n=f/substantive cannot have an adverbial function is accepted. In a surface analysis the constructions display an order of Predicate - Subject. Given the absence here of the well-known adverbial order of Subject - Predicate, they do not fit into the transpositional analysis of Polotsky. The phenomenon can be explained from the regular order of Predicate - (substantive as) Subject with the suffix conjugation forms and from the origin of iw sDm=f/sDm.n=f and aHa.n sDm.n=f in an Adverbial Model, which is still active in Middle Egyptian in iw=f/substantive + Circumstantial sDm=f. Next, the presupposition type of 'relative time location of an Event' which is at the basis of the relative tense sDm.t=f is connected with the sister forms Circumstantial sDm=f/sDm.n=f. This may explain why the negative counterparts of these forms, for the purpose of negation of the Event in the main clause with iw/aHa.n as well as in the subordinate clause, are n + Indicative sDm=f/sDm.n=f (or Substantival sDm.n=f), i.e. verb forms which as absolute tenses are not subjected to this presupposition. Arguments are brought forward concerning why the sDm.t=f form viewed as a unity cannot be an adverbial verb form. If so, the sDm.t=f should be able to function independently in the (or, as) temporal clause, just as the Circumstantial sDm=f/sDm.n=f do. The construction with r and Dr proves that this is not so. Also, *iw sDm.t=f in the main clause is impossible. To determine the verb form category, the author refers to an earlier article in which he attempted to demonstrate that not only the construction n sDm=f (is), but also n sDm.n=f (is) contains an 'Indicative', verbal verb form, this in contrast to the view of Polotsky and his followers who identify the Substantival sDm.n=f in n sDm.n=f (is). Polotsky's view concerning a syntactic connection between n sDm.n=f and n sDm.t=f is now applied to promote the suggestion that n sDm.t=f also contains a verbal verb form. Assuming that the sDm.t=f covers only one form, a verbal verb form in all three uses does not per se contradict the fact that after the prepositions/conjunctions r and Dr the function is 'but' substantival--instead of the form as substantival--, in view of the fact that such a multifunctionality is also known from, for example, the Stative 1st person singular, the Passive sDm=f and the Indicative sDm=f (with respect to the first two forms, of course, only in so far as they are viewed as a unity). In other words, when a verb form exercises one of the functions of the parts of speech other than the verbal, this does not automatically entail transposition into an adverbial or substantival verb form. If the sDm.t=f form is thus indeed a genuinely verbal verb form, then n sDm.t=f must on principle be a main clause c
