1,720,977 research outputs found
Populism as a Problem of Social Disintegration? A Comparative Analysis of the Socio-Integrational Underpinnings of Populism in Europe
Full text linkThis project focuses on the explanation of populist attitudes with particular emphasis on the role of social (dis-)integration. Following recent research that breaks up the too rigid conceptualisation of economic and cultural drivers of populism, I extend recent research that understands populism as a problem of social integration (Gidron & Hall, 2020). To do so I use original survey for six European countries and employ a wealth of different measures for populist attitudes and social integration to provide a nuanced picture of the relationship. Based on previous research and the assumption that globalisation and societal modernisation have brought about cultural and economic changes that affect individuals’ perceptions and attitudes, I argue that these developments have created a feeling of social disintegration for certain people in society (Gidron & Hall, 2017, 2020). Going beyond previous research, I argue that social integration as a multidimensional phenomenon requires a multifaceted approach to investigate the question whether social disintegration fosters support for populism. Furthermore, explaining three different forms of populism requires nuanced theoretical arguments that are thus far underdeveloped in the socio-integrational approach. The analyses of original survey data show that social disintegration does play an important role in explaining populist support although this varies with the indicators used and the form of populism investigated. The theoretical and empirical contributions of this book have crucial implications for the study of populism and the way we capture societal and political grievances
Varieties of Private Household Debt in Europe: Incompatibility of Culturally Diverse Lending Regimes Between Germany and Italy?
No full textThis article examines the varying development of private household debt across European countries, using a mixed methods design. Quantitative analysis demonstrates that trade deficits, public debt and unemployment spending influence the volume of private debt. While this suggests a high problem load for Italian households, a comparative case study on Germany and Italy reveals that more German than Italian households end up in critical debt. This is explained by the two countries’ different cultures of lending. Italian households borrow more heavily from family and friends than German ones. Moreover, the competitive dynamic of the German growth model creates incentives for lowincome groups to borrow; to the extent this dynamic affects both countries, this translates into demand for more risky loans in Germany and economic pressure on families in Italy, ultimately limiting the compatibility of the different lending regimes
Internet Use and Volunteering: Relationships and Differences across Age and Applications
Full text linkThe internet plays an important part in our daily lives. In this paper, we ask whether internet use is negatively related to civic life when focusing specifically on formal volunteering. Furthermore, we account for group-specific and activity-specific internet effects. Using a representative population sample of Switzerland, we show that internet use decreases the probability of undertaking voluntary work. This result is qualified in two respects: First, we find that the negative relationship between internet use and volunteering is more powerful among young people than older adults who are more likely to volunteer when they use the internet. Second, the use of social networking sites seems to mitigate the negative influence of internet use on volunteering
When good news backfires: Feelings of disadvantage in the Corona Crisis
Full text linkThe Corona crisis is an unprecedented challenge for societies. Lockdowns and physical distancing orders have generated economic, social and health-related consequences in many countries. In this regard, we evaluate how information about positive economic expectations during the crisis affects citizens’ attitudes. Using a real-world survey experiment, our analyses indicate that information about a positive economic outlook and governmental support to mitigate the crisis actually promote people’s subjective feelings of disadvantage rather than reducing them. Interestingly, it seems that information about economic recovery that opens up opportunities may backfire due to increased upward comparisons and perceived competition. Structural equation analyses suggest that this relationship is mediated by critical views about democratic institutions during the crisis. Citizens lose confidence in their governments and democratic decision-makers to uphold principles of fairness after the crisis ends. Our results have important implications on how to communicate measures that aim to deal with the crisis
Asymmetric affective polarization regarding COVID-19 vaccination in six European countries.
Full text linkWhile recent research has shown that supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination have polarizing political attitudes and beliefs, we lack a thorough understanding of how these two groups think about each other. To investigate the feelings and stereotypes between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination, this study draws on cross-sectional survey data from six European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom), collected between January and March 2022 (n = 6379). Our findings indicate an opinion-based affective polarization between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination. Both groups not only adopt different positions on the issue but also display dynamics of in-group favoritism and out-group hostility. Most notably, our assessment of thermometer scores and character trait ratings shows that this affective polarization is asymmetric, as it is stronger among the pro-vaccination group. Our findings are critical to the control of infectious diseases because affective polarization has been shown to influence health behaviors such as compliance with government policies. The issue is even more pressing as globalization boosts the threat of pandemic emergence and accelerates the global transmission of diseases
Pandemic threat and authoritarian attitudes in Europe: An empirical analysis of the exposure to COVID-19
Full text linkWhile analysis of the impact of threatening events has moved from bit player to center stage in political science in recent decades, the phenomenon of pandemic threat is widely neglected in terms of a systematic research agenda. Tying together insights from the behavioral immune system hypothesis and standard political science models of emotional processing, we evaluate whether exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat is related to authoritarian attitudes and which emotions do the work. Using 12 samples with over 12,000 respondents from six European countries at two time points (2020 and 2021), we argue that pandemic threats can generate disgust, anger, and fear. Our analyses indicate that exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat particularly activates fear, which in turn is linked to authoritarian attitudes
Perceived Exclusionary Disadvantages and Populist Attitudes: Evidence from Comparative and Longitudinal Survey Data in Six European Countries
Full text linkRecent ethnographic research has argued that subjective impressions of disadvantage are important to explain support for radical populist parties. Yet, the question of how such perceived disadvantages relate to populist attitudes as an expression of populist ideas has received less attention. In this regard, this study sets out to investigate the relationship between subjective group relative deprivation and populist attitudes. I argue that subjective group relative deprivation is positively related to populist attitudes. Going beyond previous research, I account for the possibility that populist attitudes also positively affect feelings of disadvantage, resulting in a vicious circle of disadvantage and populism. Results from three original cross-sectional surveys in six European countries show that subjective group relative deprivation is positively related to populist attitudes. More importantly, analyses of original panel data show that fully understanding the relationship between populism and disadvantage requires taking both directions of causality into account
Zuwanderung in Kommunen – Steuerung durch Integrationskonzepte
Full text linkDeutschland hat in letzten Jahren einen starken Anstieg an Zuwanderung verzeichnet, die sowohl Fluchtmigration als auch Migration im Rahmen der Europäischen Union beinhaltet. Gleichwohl steht die Bundesrepublik Deutschland vor demografischen Herausforderungen, zu deren Lösung Zuwanderung einen Beitrag leisten soll. Die Stadtpolitik steht in besonderem Fokus, muss sie doch vor Ort die Auswirkungen der Zuwanderung und des demografischen Wandels angehen, ohne die grossen Linien der Politik massgeblich mitbestimmen zu können. In diesem Beitrag gehen wir der Frage nach, ob in deutschen kreisfreien Städten und Landkreisen Zuwanderungskonzepte zu finden sind, die sich einer Förderung von Zuwanderung im Sinne einer Anwerbung widmen. Unsere empirische Untersuchung zeigt, dass explizite Zuwanderungskonzepte kaum vorhanden sind. Vielmehr werden strategische Integrationskonzepte implementiert, die die Integration der Zugewanderten fördern und systematisieren sollen
A justified bad reputation after all? Dark personality traits and populist attitudes in comparative perspective
Full text linkAlthough scholars have extensively studied populism in recent years, the empirical exploration of dispositional or personality underpinnings of populist attitudes is still in its infancy. Especially the role played by the Dark Triad traits of Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy is strikingly understudied. The few empirical studies on this subject fail to fully capture the multi-dimensionality and non-compensatory nature of populist attitudes, are
confined to particular country contexts, and produced highly inconclusive results. Specifying and expanding previous research, our main aim is to investigate the darker nuances of populists’ personalities across six European countries in 2020. Providing first cross-country evidence, our analyses reveal psychopathy as the most significant predictor of populist attitudes and their subdimensions with Machiavellianism playing a less robust role and narcissism appearing largely inconsequential. In general, most relationships seem non-universal, calling for future research into the contextuality of psychological predispositions for populist and other political attitudes
Integrationspolitik als kommunale Sozialpolitik.
Full text linkDie Bundesrepublik Deutschland hat in den letzten Jahren einen starken Anstieg der Zuwanderung verzeichnet. Obgleich in der öffentlichen Debatte Migration oft mit innen- und sicherheitspolitischen Fragen verknüpft wird, müssen Migration und Integration immer auch im Zusammenhang mit Sozialpolitik gesehen werden (Busemeyer et al. 2013). So entstehen durch Migration Kosten für die Migrierenden, aber auch für die aufnehmende Gesellschaft (Filsinger 2017a). Dementsprechend kann der lokale Sozialstaat diese sozialen Härten bearbeiten und im Idealfall mildern. Dies gilt umso mehr als die Fluchtmigration mit besonderen Härten verbunden ist (Filsinger 2017a). Migrations- und Integrationspolitik ist somit immer auch Sozialpolitik. Nichtsdestotrotz ist der kommunale Sozialstaat in einem Dilemma: Lokale Herausforderungen müssen bewältigt werden, ohne dass die großen Linien der Politik maßgeblich mitbestimmt werden können. Kommunen sind auch Adressaten einer Bundespolitik, die sie nicht immer beeinflussen können. Allerdings sollte das Potential der kommunalen Akteure nicht unterschätzt werden, sind sie doch für die Ausgestaltung der Programme verantwortlich und können darüber hinaus auch eigene Programme auflegen (Filsinger 2018a). Folglich sollte der „kommunale Sozialstaat“ im Bereich der Migrationspolitik besonders in den Blick genommen werden, muss dieser doch unmittelbar Zuwanderung und Integration bearbeiten.
Hier knüpft der vorliegende Beitrag an. Wir argumentieren, dass Kommunen Integrationskonzepte nutzen, um die kommunalen Problemstellungen im Bereich Integration anzugehen und somit ihren Handlungsspielraum im Rahmen des Mehrebenensystems nutzen. Unsere empirische Analyse zeigt, dass ca. 40 Prozent der Landkreise und kreisfreien Städte ein kommunales Integrationskonzept verabschiedet haben. Insbesondere urbane Landkreise und Städte scheinen im Feld der Integrationspolitik besonders aktiv zu sein. Erste inhaltliche Analysen der Konzepte und qualitative Fallstudien zeigen darüber hinaus, dass Integrationspolitik als Querschnittsaufgabe erkannt wird und somit viele verschiedene Politikfelder beinhaltet. Kommunale Integrationspolitik scheint zunehmend als Teil der kommunalen Sozialpolitik verstanden zu werden. Es lässt sich zunehmend beobachten, dass das Ziel der Politik eine zunehmend integrierte Stadtgesellschaft ist. Ferner wird deutlich, dass die Vorreiterstädte sich in einem Übergang von einer spezialisierten Integrationspolitik zu einer allgemeinen Sozialpolitik befinden
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