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Introduction: the interplay among inequalities, wellbeing and space
Inequalities have been a long-standing issue and a terrain of theoretical and
empirical discussions and debates in many disciplines (e.g. economics, social
sciences, political sciences, geography and even philosophy), each proposing
alternative perspectives, notions and interpretations. Yet, inequalities are still too often conceptualised with predefined and
bounded spatial imaginaries, which often hinder their interrelated, interdependent
and multiscalar nature (Brenner and Schmid, 2015; Lang et al.,
2015). What is more and more clear, however, is that a multiscalar, multidimensional,
multitemporal and multidisciplinary perspective is especially relevant. to understand the genesis and impacts of the newly emerging spatial inequalities
on the wellbeing of individual and places. This edited book tackles this challenge by enabling the convergence into
a single volume of different disciplinary perspectives, ranging from regional
economics to urban studies, from economic and urban geography to planning.
The book moves from the idea that this multidisciplinary perspective, at first
sight, may look quite consolidated and agreed among scholars: several recent
books in fact try to contribute to developing a thoroughly integrated approach
to define, explore and even deal with the challenges related to spatial inequalities
and wellbeing. Nevertheless, our premise is the perception that there is an
urgent need, now more than ever, of opening and collecting a critical discussion
between seminal contributions that too often remain embedded and siloed
in their study fields (McCall, 2017; Segal, 2022)
The unaccomplished quest for urban policies in Italy. ‘Waiting for Godot’ in the country of one hundred cities
Changing ground: the future place of the productive city
This chapter uses a variety of data sources according to the topics analysed. For
the EU level analysis of employment and values added, we use harmonised data
on (NACE 1 digit) employment, and gross value added (GVA) at the NUTS 3 level
from European Commission’s Annual Regional Database (ARDECO), maintained by
the Joint Research Centre. This is augmented by data from the European Labour
Force Survey (ELFS) and the European Structural Business Statistics (SBS) to
analyse employment developments at a NACE 2-digit sectoral level and more recent
occupational employment trends in the production sector of metropolitan regions. To
explore the case study cities, we use national data sources that provide information
on the employment of NACE 3-digit branches at a regional level below NUTS3.
Further, the “production sector” is approximated by the NACE 1-digit groups
transport and logistics (NACE H), wholesale and storage (NACE 46 + 45),
Manufacturing (NACE C) and construction (NACE F) in the 289 “Metropolitan
Regions” of the European Union and Norway as defined by Eurostat (2019) and
shown in figure 1. These are differentiated by size, income, function (as described by
Dijkstra – Poelman, 2011) and specialisation groups. Among these differentiations,
the most noticeable is related to the 58 largest metropolitan regions, which we refer
to as major metros subsequently and are at the centre of the analysis below
A Modern Guide to National Urban Policies in Europe
This Book Modern Guide provides a timely overview and comparison of urban challenges and national urban policies in 13 European countries, addressing key issues such as housing, urban regeneration and climate change. A team of international contributors explore the gap between the rise of international urban agendas and variegated national urban policies, examining whether a more bespoke approach is better than the traditional ‘one size fits all’.
Urban problems are back on the political agenda and several policy documents, such as the New Urban Agenda (UN-Habitat 2016; Caprotti et al. 2017) as well as the Pact of Amsterdam (EU Urban Agenda), call for national urban policies as one of the key measures to implement the goals defined in these documents (UN-Habitat 2015). The rise of international urban agendas comes along with a notable number of publications on the resurgence of cities and city-regions and the rise of ‘The City as a global political actor’ (Oosterlynck et al. 2019). Various assumptions are made in this debate about the relationship between cities and nation states. These assumptions range from a newly gained autonomy of cities vis-à-vis weakened national governments1 to the selective support of a limited number of cities as national champions (Crouch and Le Galès 2012).
In this edited volume we start from the postulate that all this is less clear and evident than many people perceive and claim. Does the growing relevance of international Urban Agendas translate easily into national urban policies? And if yes, in what way do national governments give priority to urban policies over others? Does the European Union make a difference in this regard?
Publications on EU urban policies in fact outnumber those on national urban policies. Given the relevance of the topic, it is indeed surprising that there is no comprehensive and comparative work on the trajectories of the national urban policies of individual European countries (as existed in the 1990s, as a sort of preparation to a more coordinated framework for action to be introduced by the European Union, see van den Berg et al. 1998, 2007 and d’Albergo 20102).
In this book we invited a group of urban scholars to write, in a comparative perspective, about the trajectories, instruments, goals and eventual impacts of national urban policies in their countries. Taking a long-term perspective on the evolution of national urban policies, our main interest is the persistence, convergence or divergence of national urban policies. We also wanted to know if there are political struggles surrounding the scope and direction of national urban policies. And, last but not least, we wanted to know what the impacts of EU policies are, and in particular how these will affect the next EU funding period (i.e. 2021–2027)
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