5 research outputs found
From the river to the sea? : honour, identity and politics in historical and contemporary Palestinian rejectionism
No full textThe present thesis seeks to understand and explain the rhetoric and
behaviour of the rejectionist 'current' within the Palestinian national
movement. It proceeds from the view that extant scholarship, primarily from
within the fields of terrorism and security studies, has profoundly
misunderstood rejectionist speech and behaviour by ignoring the
explanatory capacity of Emic - the research subject's perception - as well as
the influence of the sociocultural milieu within which rejectionism exists.
The thesis proceeds to set up a 'socioculturally sensitive' analytical
framework drawn from social identity theory, a heuristic, non-reductionist
model for understanding group interaction and conflict. Emphasizing
cultural norms and cues identified by anthropologists as salient in the
eastern Mediterranean, the thesis suggests that the social value of honour,
patron-client dynamics and a firmly entrenched group orientation must be
significant elements of a model for understanding rejectionist behaviour.
The main analytical narrative suggests that for reasons derived from
ideology, patron-client relations and group dynamics, what has distinguished
the rejectionists from the mainstream have been a qualitatively different set
of preconditions for, and objectives of diplomatic negotiations. To the main
rejectionist factions the goal of liberating Palestine has always been
inextricably intertwined with the goal of restoring national honour; one
without the other has been impossible and to claim otherwise would mean a
depletion of factional and personal honour. To the rejectionists, there has
never been any question of deviating from the fundamental goals - national
recognition, repatriation, self-determination and independent statehood, not
even for tactical reasons. This 'higher standard' likely derives from their
structurally and politically subordinate position within the national
movement, and the need to creatively enhance their own social status and
appeal
Factors Affecting Bird Diversity in the Wetlands of Muara Gembong, Indonesia
No full textMarshlands and backswamps are among the threatened habitats in Indonesia, along with mangroves, particularly in Java due to area development and land conversion. Muara Gembong is one of the remaining wetlands in Java and serves as one of the last refuges for the bird community in wetlands, particularly mangrove and marsh-associated birds. We observed bird communities and collected eleven habitat variables in three habitats, namely mangrove, marsh, and fishpond, to see which variable affects bird abundance and diversity most. We found out that the total number of plant species, along with the number of tree, understory, and shrub species, were the strongest factors affecting bird diversity in Muara Gembong. Separate analysis in each habitat, however, reveals that different abiotic factors also strongly correlate with bird diversity. Vegetation correlates strongly with bird diversity in mangroves and marshes, while pH and turbidity play a strong role in bird diversity in fishponds
Consuming the jihad : an enquiry into the subculture of internet jihadism
No full textRecent years have seen a great deal of interest in phenomena such as Al Qaida ‘terrorism’, Islamic ‘radicalism’ or, increasingly, ‘jihadism’ - on the Internet. However, as I argue in this thesis, much work in these areas has been problematic for a number of reasons. Much literature has been narrowly focused on the security issues which it pre-judges the content to raise, and has therefore taken some aspects too literally while ignoring others. Conversely,
where authors have addressed ‘jihadi’ content or ‘electronic jihad’ as a phenomenon unto itself, they have had difficulty making sense of it within religious studies or political communication frameworks. In this dissertation, I propose an alternative approach. Deliberately eschewing frameworks based on pre-existing conceptions of religion or politics, I draw, instead, on the academic literature on fandom and subcultural media consumption.
Using this conceptual lens, I attempt to analyse jihadism on the Internet (which I define in terms of online consumption of, and identification with self-described ‘jihadi’ content) as a subcultural phenomenon on its own terms. I argue that, without necessarily denying the role that beliefs and ideals expressed in ‘jihadi’ content may sometimes have in sustaining the
physical violence of the ‘global jihad’, the cultural practices which constitute Internet
jihadism have a tactical logic of their own which may not always coincide with the ‘strategic’ interests of ‘global jihad’. By better understanding what ‘ordinary' jihadis, most of whom will never participate in violence, get out of their practices, and how they negotiate the apparent contradictions of their situation, I suggest that we may be better placed to understand not only why some jihadis ‘fail’ to negotiate these contradictions, but also,
perhaps, to raise questions about how popular media consumption works more generally
Book Review: Julien Barnes-Dacey and Daniel Levy (Eds.), The Regional Struggle for Syria. London: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), 2013; Pgs.: 79; ISSN: 978-1-906538-86-6
No full textIn the Arab world Inter-Arab relation is characterized by power struggle between Pan-Arab nationalist military Officers and regional Monarchies. They poised themselves in Arab politics to change the political discourse prevailing in the Middle East. This Pan-Arab nationalism led to extensive interventions in the affairs of various states as it happened in Syria at present. The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)—first Pan European think tank launched in October 2007, with the objective of conducting research and promoting informed debate across European effective and value based Foreign Policy—has prepared a very important booklet entitled as The Regional Struggle for Syria. This work is edited by Julian Barnes Decay and Daniel Levy, and provides insights in understanding the Syrian conflict and the role of regional and international players. This book is a collective contribution of different scholars and is divided in eight (8) chapters. In the Introduction, “Hegemony and Sectarianism after Iraq”, the book deals with the sectarianism which prevailed after Iraq invasion by US in 2003. Here the author emphasises that the Syrian Civil war patronised by regional players who have strong weight on the ground. Among these countries, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Qatar support rebels’, while as Iran, Iraq and Hezbollah movement support Assad regime. Other players who put right themselves are Jordan, Kurds and Israel to gain their interests too. In this conflict Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey are providing arms and human support collected from different countries all over the world which resulted in regional clashes and bomb explosions particularly in Turkey and Lebanon. This conflict adopted the regional communal rivalry because rebels depend on Sunni forces while as Assad heavily depend on Shia forces. This polarity happened due to hegemony of some regional states after ousting Saddam from Iraq and wishes to achieve its goal due to rebel backing with the thought “must not lose” basis (p.8; italics mine). Much imbalance is created when US turned blind eye to the region and pawed way for rebels and the region became an epicentre of conflict and would engulf whole world as it happened in Paris Moreover Gulf States are contesting not only for broader regional gains (as Saudi monarchy support Salfi’s while Qatar and Turkey is playing Brotherhood Card) but also to overcome Iranian influence. However the resistance axis are more sound ideological though Hamas turned its back to Assad but rest are gripped very tightly with each other. World powers too poised themselves into rebel blocs (like US, EU support rebels through Gulf States) while as Russia support Iran backed Assad regime for regional gains. In such turbulent conditions two joint UN-Aran League envoys for Syria, Kofi Anan and Lakhdar Ibrahimi proposed a regional accord through Geneva I and II paid almost nothing for long lasting solution. The first chapter, “The Gulf States: United against Iran and divided over Islamists”, deals with conflicting ideologies prevailing in the region. According to Hassan-Hassan, the Arab state, though appearing united against Iranian influence in the region to weaken the resistance axis, but inter Gulf State rivalry is clear among them to achieve regional superiority. Earlier these states tried to develop influence on Assad and motivate him politically but failed to achieve their divided objectives when Assad refused to bow down and used ruthless power to overcome rebellion by killing hundreds of protesters. These states later provided every kind of assistance to rebels like Qatar to groups ideologically close to Muslim Brotherhood while as Saudi’s more conservative Salfi groups even tried to pressure US to provide high grade weapons to rebels. Saudis particularly are pitching from 1979 to overcome Iranian influence in the region and for this Syrian conflict is better option. These regional forces, particularly Saudi Arabia, wish to overcome resistance axis influence by playing the tribal Sunni card from Iraq to Syria, via Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and Jordan who achieved the neutralized citizenship. They want to achieve the lost glory which for which Assad declared them as “Half Men” (p. 19) on their criticism to Hezbollah during Lebanon-Israel war. But the internal divide among the Gulf States have weaken their cause while as Assad through resistance Axis gained some ground. Chapter Two, “Iran: Syria as the first line of defence”, by Jubin Goodarzi opens with the Iranian support to demonstrators by declaring them Islamists against the Gulf Monarchs but changed its tune when his friend befell prey to uprising. While understanding the regional lore on uprising Iran assured all-out support to Assad to keep his regime intact For Iran, Syria is only option to surmount Israeli threat by channelizing military equipment’s to Hezbollah via Assad regime and to maintain pressure over Israel. Chapter third, “Iraq: Sunni resurgence feeds Maliki’s fears”, deals with suspicion and threat of the Sunni insurgency to Maliki government in Iraq. This title feeds Maliki’s fears and pushes him to support Assad who remained very painful for Iraq during last decade because most of the insurgents entered in to Iraq via Syria and Damascus kept intentionally blind eye towards them to disturb US forces in Iraq. The author considered Maliki support to Assad genuine in order to minimise the Sunni insurgent pressure or to get any strong hold in Iraq. This suspicion was also fed by the role of Gulf States in Iraq earlier and now in Syria as commented against them in a dinner party by Bagdad Ambassador by saying “the same people who conspired against Iraq are now conspiring against Syria” (p. 34). This statement infuriated Saudi foreign Minister and was barely calmed by Syrian Foreign Minister. In a TV interview Noori al Maliki directly condemned states like Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar for their involvement in destabilization of Syria and Iraq. However the author highlighted the double standard of Maliki govt. too, who one side believes in negotiation and on the other provides full support to Assad. For Baghdad support to Assad is compulsion because if Sunni rebels got hold over Iraq means the dispersed Insurgent groups in Iraq will get strength. Moreover Maliki govt. in Iraq has concern over the double standard of CIA which fights as counter terrorism forces in Baghdad and provide arms to the Syrian rebels. All these concern have created doubts in the Iraqi govt and the situation forced Maliki to take Assad side to balance the power in the region while as Sunni force are fighting to topple Assad and later Baghdad to reconstitute the Sunni hegemony in the regions
Зовнішня політика Королівства Йорданія на початку XXI ст.
No full textАйяд Ясер М. М. Зовнішня політика Королівства Йорданія на початку XXI ст. : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 291 "Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії" / наук. керівник О. Р. Давлєтов. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2019. 143 с.UA : Об’єкт дослідження – зовнішня політика Хашимітського Йорданського Королівства.
Предметом дослідження є – реалізації йорданської зовнішньої політикиЙорданського Королівства у 1999–2019 рр.
Метою дослідження є розгляд головних напрямків зовнішньої політики Йорданії у 1999–2019 рр., визначення здобутків і прорахунків на цій царині за правління короля Абдалли II.
Новизна роботи полягає у тому, що зроблена спроба системного аналізу особливостей і пріоритетів зовнішньої політики Королівства Йорданія за період з 1999 по 2019 рр., визначена роль «водного питання» у міжарабському діалозі, проаналізовано американський варіант створення йордансько-палестинської федерації («Угода століття» Д. Трампа) і ставлення до нього короля Абдалли II.
Основні висновки до яких дійшов автор:
1. Палестинська Національна Автономія є територією, замкненою між Йорданією і Ізраїлем, що посилює історичну місію Королівства, яке у випадку нормалізації арабо-ізраїльських відносин – стане важливою сполучною ланкою між арабським Близьким Сходом і Ізраїлем. Йорданія є «захисником» мусульманських цінностей в Єрусалимі, єдиною країною регіону, еліта якої має повноцінний ресурс традиційної легітимності, а Хашиміти – єдині прямі нащадки Пророка Мухаммеда.
2. Проаналізовано еволюцію зовнішньополітичних ініціатив короля Абдалли II, що реалізуються через тронні промови лідера Королівства, а також його ініціатив. Вони визначили курс Йорданії на інтеграцію арабо-мусульманської і ліберально-демократичної ціннісних систем у вирішенні завдань соціально-політичної модернізації.
3. Визначено основні вектори зовнішньої політики Королівства Йорданія, де арабський і ісламський вектори є головними. Новий монарх проголосив курс на ще більш тісне зближення з США, Японією і великими донорами з Європи. Їхня допомога мала вивести Йорданію з економічної кризи, в якій вона опинилася.
4. Географічне положення Йорданії, розташованої на перетині двох головних зон нестабільності і безперервних конфліктів – палестино-ізраїльського, сірійського і ліванського, перетворило її в основне притулок для біженців і трудових мігрантів, які покидають ці конфліктні зони. Міграції із зон військових конфліктів до Йорданії значно впливають на економічну складову Королівства, але й породжують незадоволення серед корінних мешканців. Все це породжує внутрішню нестабільність і залежність від фінансової допомоги як арабських, так і позарегіональних держав.
5. Керівництво Королівства надає важливого значення активної участі національних збройних сил в різних миротворчих місіях під егідою ООН. Йорданія займає четверте місце у міжнародному «табелі про ранги» по кількості свого миротворчого контингенту після Пакистану, Індії і Бангладеш, що одночасно виконують місії за кордоном.
6. Історія Йорданії тісним чином пов’язана з сусідніми арабськими країнами,де особлива увага приділяється вирішенню іракської кризи. Після «Арабської весни» 2010–2011 рр. відбулося зближення Йорданії з арабськими монархіями Перської затоки. Ось Амман–Каїр–Ер-Ріяд розглядається як ключовий елемент в рамках зусиль по близькосхідному врегулюванню і підтримці регіональної стабільності.
7. Сучасну гідро-політичну карту регіону формує ізраїльська водна політика, спрямована на збільшення кількості підконтрольних Ізраїлю водних ресурсів.Особливу роль відіграє проблема розподілення водних ресурсів р. Йордан. Перспектива регіонального співробітництва арабських країн за участю Йорданії, Ізраїлю і Сирії у справі вирішення проблеми справедливого розподілу і збільшення водних ресурсів р. Йордан поставлена в залежність від врегулювання палестино-ізраїльського конфлікту.
8. Йорданія, як і раніше, виступає за вирішення арабо-ізраїльського конфлікту шляхом створення двох держав – ізраїльського і палестинського і продовжує наполягати на тому. Вона не хоче бачити, як Д. Трамп з 2018 р. розпочинав мирний план або «Угоду століття» – створення федерації Йорданія-Палестина, яка зруйнує існуючий статус-кво в регіоні.
9. США розглядаються як основний стратегічний партнер Йорданії і, відповідно, остання виступає за широку американську участь у вирішенні регіональних проблем. За Абдалли II спостерігається посилення економічних зв’язків з Євросоюзом і Туреччиною.
10. Серед здобутків Королівства – формування позитивного іміджу Йорданії як надійного партнера як серед арабських, так і західних держав світу. В той же час, тісна співпраця з Іраком в економічній сфері призвела до кризових явищ в Йорданії. Країні не вдалося зберегти статус-кво у близькосхідному врегулюванні, одна з причин якого – економічна залежність від фінансової допомоги США. Міграції із зон військових конфліктів до Йорданії значно впливають не тільки на економічну складову Королівства, призводять до внутрішньої нестабільності і залежності від зовнішньої фінансової допомоги. Зближення з Туреччиною зустріло роздратування арабських держав і може порушити роль регіонального лідера Йорданії на Близькому Сході. Йорданія є провідною країною, що просуває проект «Великий Близький Схід». Відношення до цього проекту серед арабських країн здебільшого негативне, що приводе до напружених стосунків з сусідами.EN : The object of study is — foreign policy of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
The subject of study is — the Kingdom of Jordan implementation of Jordan's foreign policy in 1999-2019.
The purpose of the study is consideration of Jordan’s major foreign policy areas in 1999-2019, determination of achievements and failures in this area during the reign of King Abdullah II.
To achievethis goal, the following research tasks wereset in the work:
— to determine what the historical mission and «natural leadership» of the Hashimit Dynasty is;
— to analyze the evolution of King Abdullah II's foreign policy initiatives;
— to identify the main vectors of the Kingdom'sforeign policy;
— to define the Jordan’s role in regulation of migration flows in the region;
— to explore of the Hashemite Kingdom participation in peacekeeping operations;
— to analyze the features of Jordan's relations with the Middle East regional countries;
— to consider the meaning of «water problem» in Kingdom foreign policy;
— to consider Jordan's attitude towards restoration the idea of creating a Jordanian-Palestinian Federation — «Agreementofthe Century»;
— to determine the nature of the Hashemite Kingdom relations with non-regional states;
— to determine the achievements and failures of the Hashemite Kingdom leadership.
Chronological frames are covered in the work the period from 1999 to 2019. The bottom border of choice is due to the fact that in 1999 was the inheritance of power by Abdullah II from his father and the third king of Jordan - Hussein Ben Talal. The coming to power of the young King Abdullah Bin Al-Hussein is not only a continuation of previous foreign policy, but a new phase of nation-building Jordan characterized by the conceptualization of ideas of internal consolidation and active foreign policy as interconnected components of Jordan's «natural leadership» in the Middle East. The upper boundary of the chronological framework is explained by the fact that in 2019 the 20th anniversary of Abdallah
II's coronation, which gives an overview of the achievements and failures of the foreign policy of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Geographic framework cover the the present territory of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the Middle East regional countries that are historically included in the territory of the so-called «Greater Syria» (Israel, Palestinian National Autonomy,Syria).
Scientific novelty of the obtained results: attempted systematic analysis of the features and priorities of foreign policy of the Jordan Kingdom for the period from 1999 to 2019,the role of the « water problem »in inter-Arab dialogue has been identified, the American version of creation the Jordanian-Palestinian
federation is analyzed («Agreement of the Century» by D.Trump) and attitude towards him King Abdullah IJ.
Theoretical and_ practical importance of the work. This master's qualification work includes a comprehensive synthesis of the directions and priorities of the foreign policy of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in the period from 1999 to 2019. and gives an opportunity to explore the achievements and failures in foreign policy areas during the reign of King Abdullah II. Master's qualification work can be used in the development of courses on subjects «Middle East: History of International Relations», «Country Studies», «The political
development of Arab countries in the XXI century.».
The main conclusions by the author:
l. The position of modern Jordan is particularly strong because of one important circumstance: Palestinian National Autonomy is a territory closed between Jordan and Israel. This feature enhances the international and regional importance of the Kingdom, which will remain a «buffer» and, in the case of normalization of Arab-Israeli relations, an important connect point between the Arab Middle East and Israel. Jordan is a «defender» of Muslim values on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem - mosques Kubbat al-Sahra and al-Aqsa. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has significant advantages overits neighbors, giving it every opportunity to become a regional leader — a kind of «global gate».
The geographical location of Jordan in the face of confrontation and hostilities in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, provides Opportunities for capital inflows from neighboring Arab countries. Jordan is the only country in the region whose the elite of which has a valuable resource of traditional legitimacy, and the Hashimites
are the only direct descendants of Prophet Muhammad. Legitimacy has been a deterrent to Arab nationalists, socialists and extremists in seeking to overthrow the ruling Jordanian dynasty. Analyzed The evolution of King Abdullah II's foreign policy initiatives realized through the throne speeches of the Kingdom leader and
his initiatives: «Jordan aboveall else», «The Amman Message», «National agenda for Jordan». They defined Jordan's course on the integration of Arab-Muslim and liberal-democratic value systems in solving problems of socio-political modernization. These initiatives unveil the peacekeeping potential of Islam and,in
parallel, the views and aspirations of Jordan itself, contribute to the formation of a strong ideological base to counterterrorism and extremism.
2. The main foreign policy vectors of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan are identified. Jordan's history is closely connected to neighboring Arab countries, so the Arab and Islamic vectors are one of the main elements of Jordan's foreign qualification work can be used in the development of courses on subjects «Middle East: History of International Relations», «Country Studies», «The political development of Arab countries in the XXI century.».
The main conclusions by the author:
l. The position of modern Jordan is particularly strong because of one important circumstance: Palestinian National Autonomy is territory closed between Jordan and Israel. This feature enhances the international and regional importance of the Kingdom, which will remain a «buffer» and, in the case of normalization of Arab-Israeli relations, an important connect point between the Arab Middle East and Israel. Jordan is a «defender» of Muslim values on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem - mosques Kubbat al-Sahra and al-Aqsa. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has significant advantages over its neighbors, giving it every opportunity to become a regional leader — a kind of «global gate».
The geographical location of Jordan in the face of confrontation and hostilities in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, provide opportunities for capital inflows from neighboring Arab countries. Jordan is the only country in the region whose the elite of which has a valuable resource of traditional legitimacy, and the Hashimites
are the only direct descendants of Prophet Muhammad. Legitimacy has been a deterrent to Arab nationalists, socialists and extremists in seeking to overthrow the ruling Jordanian dynasty. Analyzed The evolution of King Abdullah II's foreign policy initiatives realized through the throne speeches of the Kingdom leader and
his initiatives: «Jordan above all else», «The Amman Message», «National agenda for Jordan». They defined Jordan's course on the integration of Arab-Muslim and liberal-democratic value systems in solving problems of socio-political modernization. These initiatives unveil the peacekeeping potential of Islam and, in parallel, the views and aspirations of Jordan itself, contribute to the formation of a trong ideological base to counter terrorism and extremism.
2s The main foreign policy vectors of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan are identified. Jordan's history is closely connected to neighboring Arab countries, so the Arab and Islamic vectors are one of the main elements of Jordan's foreign policy planning. Jordan is trying to resolve the whole spectrum of local conflicts
with wide international cooperation. It maintains diplomatic relations with all Arab countries and practically all industrialized countries of the West, is a member of the League of Arab States, the United Nations and its specialized organizations. In foreign policy, the new monarch has announced a course for closer convergence
with the United States, Japan and major donors from Europe. Their help has to get Jordan out of the economic crisis it was in.
3. Has been identified the role of Jordan in regulating the migration flows of the region. For Jordan, a politically and socio-economically stable country, is quite important an aspect such as the problem of migration processes.
The geographical location of Jordan, located at the intersection of the two major zones of instability and continuous conflict - the Palestinian-Israeli, Syrian-Lebanese - has made it a major shelter for refugees and migrants who leave these conflict zones. Jordan became the only Arab state to grant its citizenship to the
Palestinians, as it was believed to eliminate the conditions for the fight for independence. The problem of refugees for the Kingdom is actualized by two major points: the threat to security and the surplus in the labor market to the detriment of citizens. In addition to Palestinian refugees, who make up a large proportion of Jordan's population, refugees from Syria also arrive there today (in 2015, there were about 1 million people), that does not satisfy the indigenous population, which the king is focused on. Thus, migrations from conflict zones to Jordan has a significant impact not only on the economic component of the Kingdom but also on the part of indigenous peoples. All this creates internal instability and dependence on financial assistance from both Arab and non-Arab states.
4. Has been monitored the involvement of the Hashemite Kingdom in peacekeeping operations. The leadership of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan attaches importance to the active involvement of national armed forces in various UN-sponsored peacekeeping missions. The first national peacekeeping force
actually took part in 1989 as part of an UN-sponsored peacekeeping mission in Angola. Since then, Jordanian peacekeepers have passed 24 «hot spots», including Yugoslavia (Bosnia), Kosovo, East Timor, Rwanda, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Afghanistan, Iraq, Eritrea, Burundi, Liberia, Congo, Georgia, Egypt,
Palestine and more. Jordan is ranked fourth in the international rankings chart by the number of its peacekeeping contingent after Pakistan, India and Bangladesh, who are simultaneously performing missions abroad.
a. Analyzed the peculiarities of Jordan's relations with regional countries in the Middle East. Jordan's history is closely connected to neighboring Arab countries, so the Arab vector is general to Jordan's foreign policy planning. In addition to the Palestinian-Israeli direction, the Kingdom pays special attention to
resolving the Iraq crisis. After the «Arab Spring» 2010-2011, Jordan became closer to the Arab Gulf monarchies. The Jordaniansattach particular importance to maintaining close coordination on regional issues with Saudi Arabia. The AmanCairo-Riyadhaxis is seen as a general element in the efforts to bring about Middle East settlement and support for regional stability.
6, Considered the importance of the «water problem» in the foreign policy of the Kingdom. In the Middle East, in addition to «classic-type» confrontation began to arise conflicts of «new generation». The current hydro political map of the region is shaped by Israeli water policy, aimed at increasing Israel's water resources. The problem of the distribution of water resources in the Jordan River plays a special role. However, Jordan and Israel continue to look for ways to increase their water supplies. Countries have reached an agreement on a
Dead Sea water recovery program. At the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, the parties decided to begin construction of a pipeline to divert water from the Red Sea to the Dead to prevent it from drying up.
However, the Jordanian-Israeli initiative met with negative reaction from the Arab ~countries that sponsored the project. The main tributary of the Jordan is the Yarmuk River. Negotiations on the joint construction of a dam on the Yarmuk River with Syria have met with a sharply negative attitude from Israel on this project, which has not yet been resolved. Thus, the prospect of regional cooperation between the Arab countries, with the participation of Jordan, Israel and Syria in resolving the issue of equitable distribution and increase of water resources in the Jordan River is contingent on the settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
7s The attitude of Jordan to the renewal of the idea of creating the Jordanian-Palestinian Federation - the «Agreements of the Century»is considered.
Jordan continues to support the Arab-Israeli conflict by creating two states, the Israeli and the Palestinian, and continues to push for it. Bona 3aHemoKocHa TiiaHaMu [3paimto 10 “OHOCTOPOHHBOMY BUpillieHHIo» mpoOsmemu Ilanecrunu —aHekcii 3axigHoro Sepery p. Wopman, ska Moxe 6yTu y mpem’ep-Minictpa B.
Heranpaxy. She is concerned about Israel's plans to «One-sided solution» Palestine's annexation of the West Bank of Jordan River, which may have Prime Minister B. Netanyahu. She doesn't want to see D. Trump launch a peace plan or the «Agreement of the Century» in 2018 - the creation of a Jordan-Palestine Federation that will destroy the current status quo in the region. This comes against the backdrop of a proposal by Israeli politicians to transfer the Jerusalem shrines to Muslims under the jurisdiction of the Saudis, taking them from the Hashimites. If Jordan loses its status as guardian of Jerusalem's shrines - will lose its status in the
Muslim world as well.
8. Determined the nature of the relations of the Hashemite Kingdom with non-regional states. The United States is regarded as Jordan's main strategic
partner and accordingly stands for broad US involvement in regional issues.
Abdullah II has seen a stronger economic connection with the European Union.
Jordan has joined the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, which providesfor political
and security cooperation. The European Union has launched several joint programs
with Jordan. During the reign of Abdullah II of Jordan held rapprochement with.
Turkey on issues of military-political and economic cooperation, including
counter-terrorism and border solution to the Iraq problem. Jordan and Turkey
joined the «Friends of Syria» group, which was created on the initiative of French
President N. Sarkozy on February 4, 2012. The process of rapprochement between
Turkey and Jordan has preconditions for further development. Not only Ankara but
Washington and Tel Aviv are interested in such cooperation, considering the
Turkish-Jordanian regional tandem as a major help in promoting their own
strategic goals in the Middle East. The political dialogue between the Russian
Federation and the Jordanian Hashemite Kingdom is characterized by high
dynamics and richness, which is due to the closeness of approaches on the Middle
East and Iraqi issues, the attitude of the two countries’ leadership to strengthen
cooperation in regional affairs and further strengthen bilateral relations. Jordan
believes that the Russian Federation can use its resource as a permanent member of
the UN Security Council and an international «quartet» to support the «Roadmap»
and the «Arab Initiative» plan. The hopes in Amman are also linked to the
mediation efforts of the Russian side to overcome the contradictions between the
main Palestinian Fatah and Hamas groups, and to secure Islamists in moderate
program settings. In this regard, according to King Abdullah II, Moscow could
influence Damascus and Tehran by encouraging them to take more constructive
action in the Palestinian direction.
9. . Determined the achievements and failures of the leadership of the
The Hashemite Kingdom have been. Among the achievements are the development of a
positive image of Jordan as a reliable partner both in the Arab and Western
countries of the world, the expansion of cooperation in the field of economy and
security in conflict resolution. At the same time, we have some failures. Close
economic cooperation with Iraq has led to a crisis in Jordan. The country has failed
to maintain its status quo in the Middle East, one of the reasons being economic
dependence on US financial assistance.
