1,721,156 research outputs found
Interests and stability or ideologies and order in contemporary world politics
No full textDrawing upon a career's worth of both theoretical and empirical research, according to the Italian school of political science, the author provides a holistic assessment of contemporary world politics in this volume. The book commences by defining some concepts like "world order", namely a governance process with fixed values: during the post-1989 era those of market, democracy and peace. Foreign policies are then classified into four models of political cultures: the "interests-intensive" conservative, the "ideologies-intensive" liberal, leftist constructivist and leftist Manichaean. The author shows how multipolar and bipolar systems have been relatively stable, with each main power defending its own interests yet ultimately not promoting ideas and order. Change periods are unstable. Between 1915 and 1945, Nazi-fascist and communist ideologies emerged, but after Yalta the West did not effectively export market, democracy and peace to the Third World. After 1989, the ideas of liberalism (in economic globalization and EU enlargement), neo-conservatism (in the Iraq war), and multi-cultural leftism (in pluri-national conflict resolution processes) began to be applied to achieve a "near" world order. Since 2001, Islamic fundamentalism’s threat has prevented both stability (with the failure of the concert of powers of the 1990s) and order (with minimal improvements in democracy and peace). Following the Arab Spring, Obama also abandoned the “interests-intensive” conservative diplomacy. He no longer supported "lesser evils" (military or personalist regimes) against "absolute evils" (e.g., the Islamic State), and waged only "low intensity" wars in Iraq, Syria and Libya
I processi di risoluzione dei conflitti armati nella politica mondiale contemporanea
No full textDodici modalità di risoluzione dei conflitti sono state elaborate. Essi sono: la separazione (mono-nazionale o pluri-nazionale), l’integrazione asimmetrica con autonomia o quella simmetrica con federalismo o consociativismo, il compromesso, lo scambio, la trascendenza (democratica), il dominio militare, la riduzione all’impotenza con pulizia etnica, la mutilateralizzazione... La maggior parte delle guerre post-1989 sono terminate, ma quasi tutti i conflitti non sono stati risolti e vivono fasi di congelamento, o di instabilità. La governance esterna, a parte gli sforzi degli Usa, è debole e spesso inefficace: soprattutto da parte dell’Onu e dell’Ue. Tali modalità sono collegate al concetto di ordine, che si realizza con le separazioni mono-nazionali. Più frequenti sono le risoluzioni fondati sugli stati pluri-nazionali, frutto di separazioni asimmetriche o integrazioni
Contemporary conflict resolution processes: diagnoses and therapies
Get PDFA typology on conflict resolution processes has been elaborated, starting from Galtung’s analytic models. The concept of world order has been defined as a government capability that has to be linked to some fixed values (the unity of measure), that in post/’89 four power arenas of international relations are: (military) peace, (political) democracy, (economic) market and (cultural) national self/determination. In fact, as current major powers usually prefer pluri/national states, current world politics is characterized by a “near” order. In the second (empirical) part of the essay, the typology has been applied to nearly 90 post-’89 armed conflict resolution processes. Few conflicts have been resolved, and many conflicts are currently frozen or characterized by unstable resolution process: either asymmetrical (dominion, incapacitation or administrative autonomy) or short-term oriented (consensual pacts). Federalism is rare, but is the most stable resolution process
Mercato e democrazia in America latina
No full textDopo l’89, l’America latina ha vissuto profondi mutamenti di tipo economico. Tutti i paesi della regione hanno attuato le riforme liberiste, dopo più di un cinquantennio di politiche economiche orientate allo statalismo e al protezionismo. Gli anni 80 avevano rappresentato una decada perdida, dato che l’ajuste monetario e salariale non era stato accompagnato da riforme come le privatizzazioni, l’apertura commerciale e bancaria. La crisi del debito estero dell’82 non aveva portato a sostanziali modifiche. Le riforme liberiste vengono interpretate come lo strumento indispensabile per operare quel riequilibrio fra stato e mercato che è la premessa del consolidamento democratico. Tale processo è però solo agli inizi, dato che i processi decisionali dei governi della regione continuano ad essere poco istituzionalizzati. L’analisi empirica ha riguardato i sei paesi medio/grandi dell’America latina: Argentina, Brasile, Cile, Messico, Perù, Venezuela
Il crescente ruolo delle ideologie nella politica mondiale dopo la guerra fredda
No full textPrima dell’89, la cultura politica conservatrice era prevalente nelle diplomazie occidentali, a causa dell'influenza della filosofia realista, basata sulla propensione degli stati a difendere i propri interessi; tale orientamento continua ad essere perseguito dopo l’89. In tale fase, in occidente si stanno consolidando prassi diplomatiche orientate al soddisfacimento di valori compatibili alle ideologie liberali, della sinistra costruttivista e manichea, che prima venivano valorizzate solo nella sfera declaratoria o in modo transitorio. L’analisi ha toccato le quattro arene della governance mondiale: culturale -relativa ai conflitti fra nazioni e/o civilizzazioni diverse-, militare (opzioni sulla pace e la guerra), economica (risposte alla globalizzazione), politica (processi di democratizzazione). Alcune ipotesi sulla maggiore influenza delle ideologie dopo l’89, come il conflitto tra civilizzazioni, il mutamento del sistema internazionale, il passaggio alla post-modernità dopo il 68
Domestic institutions and Italian foreign economic policy
No full textThe article analyzed the domestic institutions of foreign economic policy. OECD countries have promoted different institutional frameworks in FEP. In France, Germany, Spain and Japan, decision-making is concentrated in one ministry (hierarchical model). In the UK and USA, where private enterprises are more autonomous and laissez-faire oriented, the main pattern is a coordination process among ministries. In the 90s, Italy implemented a reform based on coordination. Then, some public bodies support the internationalizing of exporters and investors abroad, like the foreign trade institutes, the insurance-against-political-risk bodies, and financers of exports and investments. Public institutions for development cooperation are characterized according to their emphasis on: bureaucratic decentralization on independent external agencies (like in Sweden, UK and USA); subordination of the technical agency to the Foreign Affairs minister (like in Japan, France, and Italy)
Political conditionality in the European enlargement to the east
No full textThe article summarized the negotiation process among the EU and Eastern Europe candidate countries. Political and economic conditionality has been applied by the EU Commission in a quite neutral way. Governments did not deeply modify those criteria for security reasons or for patron-client relations. Some flexibility was shown during the process, but the final outcome was fair. For example, Bulgaria and Romania were rewarded for their tacit support of the Nato military intervention in Kosovo in 1999. Estonia and Latvia did not implement radical changes in their legislation for Russian citizens' rights
D.Verdier "Democracy and international trade. Britain, France and the United States, 1860-1990"
No full textRecensione del saggio di Verdier sulla sua teoria razionalista del commercio internazional
P.Katzenstein, R.O.Keohane, S.D.Krasner "Exploration and contestation in the study of world politics"
No full textRecensione sulla metodologia della ricerca politica nelle relazioni internazionali
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