1,721,045 research outputs found
Il gusto della luce
Full text linkLa fruizione dei dipinti murali in edifici storici necessita un'adeguata progettazione dell'impianto di illuminazione, che eviti strutture invasive e permetta una buona leggibilità. Nel caso dell'Aula della Curia di Bergamo, l'impianto progettato nel 2002 a seguito dei restauri ha comportato una struttura invasiva e che illumina innaturalmente a chiazze
Pittura ornamentale del Medioevo lombardo. Atlante (secoli VIII-XIII)
No full textIl volume rende conto di una capillare catalogazione della pittura murale ornamentale del Medioevo lombardo, che pur affrontando questioni formali conduce l'analisi sul piano dei contesti monumentali, senza dimenticare le pitture musealizzate o riemerse da indagini archeologiche. Rivelandosi un puntuale atlante del territorio, il volume non manca di tracciare una rassegna bibliografica ragionata e di inserire i temi affrontati nel quadro dell'arte medievale europea
Il congegno figurativo, fra Antico Testamento e Giudizio finale : sistema ornamentale, iconografia, vettori
Full text linkThe Romanesque decoration of the church of San Tommaso in Acquanegra sul Chiese (Mantua, Lombardy), formerly a Benedictine abbey church and now a parish church, is the result of a single project that can be attributed to the long-lived and enigmatic Abbot Peter (chronicled in 1101, 1119 and 1130). According to its architectural features (Piva in this volume, Architecture) and the archaeological evidence (Gallina, Breda in this volume), the church was built around the middle of the eleventh century, or slightly later, as an aisled basilica with a transept, a deep presbytery raised on a crypt-oratory, and three apses. It was done in brickwork and covered with a wooden roof.
At the beginning of the twelfth century Abbot Peter had the nave and the presbytery raised (by 2.20 metres) and the clerestory windows enlarged, in order to considerably increase the brightness as well as the surface area on which an impressive painted cycle would unfold, modestly preserved today and split by late Renaissance vaults. The decoration was executed in two stages (first the presbytery, then the nave) by different painters, who may have been hired by a single workshop, and was completed soon after by a figurative mosaic pavement (Vaccaro in this volume). The paintings and mosaics were so closely connected to the architecture as to allow us speak of a visual device, involved in the dynamics of the monastic liturgical space.
The iconographic programme starts on the west side of the west crossing arch with a sequence showing the story of Adam and Eve. It continues on the nave walls with forty-four Old Testament figures standing in two registers, from the probable Noah (S01) to Judas Maccabeus (S44), each one formerly identified by a titulus and holding a scroll reading a verse drawn from the relative Book of the Bible. Between the arcades, close to the point of view of the monks or members of the faithful, a scene concerning the Prophet Balaam and the Ass (Num 22, 22-35) is depicted on the south side, while a rare narrative sequence about Jerome and the lion is displayed on the north side. The representation of the Old Testament continues on the west side of the east crossing arch, with the ascensions of Elijah and Enoch flanking what is probably the Ark of the Covenant inside a clypeus held by two angels. On the other face of the arch is juxtaposed a similar composition, with angels bearing the Holy Lamb (or Christ) in a clypeus worshipped by two enigmatic men without halos, who are coming out of arched city gates next to a domed ciboria in perspective: could they be the Witnesses of Apocalypse 11 in Jerusalem? Perhaps the Benedictine commissioners? Or other people entirely? Paolo Piva's contribution to this volume (Iconography and Liturgical Space) attempts to identify them. A part of what is probably an apostle holding a book, on the north wall, is all that remains of the apse depiction, which must certainly have included the Christ in majesty on the half dome. The historical narrative reaches its conclusion with the Last Judgment on the counter-façade, without leaving aside the semantic connections to the unfortunately lacking mosaic.
The whole cycle is framed by several meander bands; the most luxurious, alternating full-coloured perspective ribbons and framed figures, run at the top of the walls next to the missing painted wooden ceiling, as documented by archaeological evidence. The progressive variation on the theme from the apse (swastika ribbons and angels), through the crossing (swastikas and Temple Priests dressed in decorated breastplates: Piva and Kessler in this volume), and into the nave (double "T" ribbons and secular representations), seems to have been connected to the underlying narrative sequence, which attests the function of Ornament in pointing out the iconographic meanings.
This complex visual device has been researched since 2009 by an interdisciplinary team from the University of Milan, led by Paolo Piva and including the author. At the beginning of the project, some figures had completely disappeared, others were extremely fragmented and those in the upper registers had been cut by vaults; in addition, most of tituli and scroll verses were unreadable. Only few figures had been identified: five of the twelve Minor Prophets in the lower North register; Judith and Judas Maccabeus on the opposite wall, towards the counter-façade; Jerome and Balaam between the arcades; Adam and Eve, Elijah, and Enoch in the crossing. Meticulous observation of the painted surface, as well as photo sessions assisted by post-production software, have made it possible to identify scenes from the book of Genesis and recognise some standing figures that are useful in rendering the sequence, which becomes progressively «more Romano» from the apse to the façade.
The synthetic cycle of Adam and Eve is modestly preserved above the vaults. While Roman iconographic tradition implies one or more scenes depicting the Creation of the World, according to the Ambrosian tradition the sequence starts with the Creation of Man, following the illustrated Carolingian Bibles. In Acquanegra, the Lord, in the form of Christ seated on the Globe, is blowing the breath of life upon a no longer visible Adam as he reclines beside the tree. The following Lord/Christ was plausibly creating Eve, as we can gather from Roman examples like San Giovanni a Porta Latina in Rome. The edge of the vault most likely hides the Eating of the Forbidden Fruit. The fourth scene represents the Expulsion from the Garden of Eden: the head and a wing of the Angel reproaching the frightened Adam and Eve, side by side and still naked, are recognisable. Finally, Adam and Eve labouring after their exile must have been depicted, an argument supported by vanishing evidence. While the absence of the Creation of the World points to the Ambrosian tradition, the represented episodes are influenced by Roman models, which attests to the commissioner's and workshop's wide figurative culture.
Proceeding along the upper south register, over the vaults, the little remaining evidence of an elderly man in S03 must be Abraham, according to the vanished “BRAH” over his left shoulder. The imperious armed man in S07, dressed in leather armour, is supposed to be Joshua. The vigorous warrior in S10, with long wavy brown hair and a beard, must be the hero and Judge of Israel, Sampson. The series can consequently be deduced as follows: the old Adam and Noah, or Noah and Seth, or rather Noah and Melchizedek, in S01-02; Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses in S03-06, representing the Pentateuch; Joshua in S07 representing his own Book; perhaps the young Gideon, another Judge of Israel and Sampson in S08-10, from the Book of Judges.
Turning to the north wall, in N14 it is possible to read the faded titulus DAVID close to a young crowned and bearded man: King David who, according to tradition, is not only the author of the biblical Wisdom literature (Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus), but is also the founder of the Kingdom of Israel and a paradigm of kingship throughout the Middle Ages. At the end of the row, in N20, the scroll reads an interpolation of 2Kings 23, 21, a verse identifying its holder as Josiah, king of Judah (ca. 640-690) and promoter of major reforms: he had the sanctuaries, or High Places, destroyed and the Temple of Jerusalem set free from the worship of Baal; he encouraged the exclusive worship of Yahweh and reintroduced the celebration of Passover in Jerusalem. The Church Fathers considered him a paradigm of orthodoxy, a wall against any heresy. Thus, a selection of Kings of Israel/Judah was represented in the upper north register. In N11-13, Eli, Samuel and the controversial Saul are recognisable. Eli was the tenth Judge of Israel, High Priest and Samuel's teacher. It was Samuel who designated Saul and later David as King of Israel. David was certainly followed in N15 by Solomon, as indicated by the regal garments worn by the headless figure. Between Solomon and Josiah (N16-19) there were four Kings of Judah that «did what was right in the eyes of the Lord», from among Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoash, Amaziah, Uzziah/Azariah, Jotham.
The sequence continues in the lower north register where the twelve Minor Prophets (N21-32) appear in biblical order: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The verses shown by Micah, Nahum and Malachi were already known; those of Obadiah, Jonah and Zechariah have now been decoded for the first time (see the Corpus of Inscriptions). According to the exegesis, in particular that of Jerome and Bruno di Segni, they seem to hide a figural sense along three main lines: the struggle against any heresy, the exhortation to keep the faith throughout tribulation, and the prefiguration of the Last Judgment (Chiesa, Guglielmetti in this volume).
Positions S33-35 in the opposite and final row have been lost. Strenuous effort in decoding the scrolls and tituli has made it possible to identify the following figures: Job, Elijah, King Hezekiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Tobias, Judith, Esther, and Judas Maccabeus (S36-44). Although he was not an historical figure, Job is considered as belonging to the age of Prophets by the major commentary on his Book, Pope Gregory I's Moralia in Job. Elijah’s scroll reads 1Kings 17, 14, a verse that is explained with reference to the Eucharist and the Anointing, and also to the Last Judgment. Hezekiah, the wise thirteenth King of Judah, is addressing the Prophet Isaiah and is holding a scroll showing 2Kings 20, 19. Ezekiel introduces his prophecy with the Vision of the Tetramorphos (Ez 1, 4). The scroll held by Daniel, who is dressed in Persian garments with a short tunic, belt and dagger, refers to the first episode of the Lion's Den (Dn 6, 23). It is not by chance that opposite him stands the Minor prophet Habakkuk (N28), who in the second episode of the Lion's Den (Dn 14, 28-42) feeds Daniel, after having been carried to Babylon by an Angel, who is depicted under Daniel between the arcades.
The last four figures represent the Deuterocanonical Books that are placed in the middle of the Latin Vulgate Bible but at the end of the Atlantic recension, which was developed in central Italy during the Gregorian Reform and is characterised by its folio book size and full-page portraits (Orofino in this volume). After Tobias (S41) telling how his father was miraculously saved from blindness, come the only two women of the cycle: Judith, the virtuous and fashionable widow who cheated the Assyrian general Holofernes and decapitated him; and Esther, the Jewish consort of the Persian King Ahasuerus (Xerxes I of Persia, according to tradition). The proud Judas Maccabeus (S44), whose scroll reads 1Mac 3, 58, encourages the Jewish people before the clash against the Seleucid army led by Antiochus. He was considered a paradigm against evil, which was first represented by the Pagan threat, and later by heretic forces.
The neighbouring Last Judgment completes the New Testament, which today is only represented by fragments in poor condition in the upper part of the apse, that plausibly also extended into the transept. Angels playing trumpets (tubicines), which are leaning out of vertical meanders, and which were once displayed at the top of the composition, are waking up naked young men who are emerging from sarcophagi aligned above the earthly Court. The missing Christ in mandorla was flanked by the Virgin Mary and St John the Baptist (configuring the Deesis), both of whom were in turn followed by six apostles seated on jewelled benches. Below, on the right hand side of Christ (the viewer’s left) the Blessed are grouped by social status: kings, laymen, monks and priests, including a bishop, are recognisable. On the other side, where the painted surface is heavily damaged, the same categories of people are packed in together among the Damned, above slight traces of a standing, plumed monster. Under the Blessed, beyond the missing plaster, two further representations are barely visible: the three patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob with a crowd of blessed souls in sinu, perhaps referring to the individual Judgment (passing away) and/or to the Patriarchs' Limbo, as well as an unidentified episode opposing a threatening man and an animal.
From the Creation of Adam and Eve on the west crossing arch, through the forty-four figures of the Old Testament, the cycle depicts the history of Man up to the second century BC. Whoever developed the iconographic programme most likely followed a common source in the Middle Ages: a Universal Chronicle, i.e. a chronological chart covering the history of Man from the Creation to the chronicler's time. Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea and biographer of Constantine the Great, edited the first Chronicle in the early fourth. He composed comparative tables linking the extensive and exotic sequence of names and places listed in the Old Testament with well-known Greek and Roman events. His work was updated by Jerome and later by authors like Isidore of Seville (ca. 615-616) and Bede the Venerable (ca. 725). The correspondence between the cycle of San Tommaso and Isidore's Chronicle, which is split into six Ages, is surprising. The first Age, from Adam to the birth of Noah, is represented by the sequence on the west crossing arch and by the figure in S01, whether the old Adam or Noah. The second Age, from the Great Flood to the birth of Abraham, was likely synthesised by S02, whether Noah or Seth or rather Melchizedek. The third Age, which includes all the Patriarchs and Judges up to the first King of Israel, Saul, corresponded to the remaining upper south row and to the beginning of the north one (S03-10, N11-13). The fourth Age, proceeding from King David to the Babylonian Captivity, covered the remaining part of the upper north row, up to Josiah (N14-20). The fifth Age elapsed from the Captivity to the Incarnation, including all the Prophets and also referring to the Book of Maccabee, which is suitably positioned at the end of the San Tommaso series. The sixth Age, corresponding to the present day and lasting until the Last Judgment, is placed on the counter-façade so as to be visible to the monks from the choir and to the faithful as they exit the church
San Tommaso ad Acquanegra sul Chiese : storia, architettura e contesto figurativo di una chiesa abbaziale romanica
Full text linkThe Romanesque decoration of the church of San Tommaso in Acquanegra sul Chiese (Mantua, Lombardy), formerly a Benedictine abbey church and now a parish church, is the result of a single project that can be attributed to the long-lived and enigmatic Abbot Peter (chronicled in 1101, 1119 and 1130). According to its architectural features (Piva in this volume, Architecture) and the archaeological evidence (Gallina, Breda in this volume), the church was built around the middle of the eleventh century, or slightly later, as an aisled basilica with a transept, a deep presbytery raised on a crypt-oratory, and three apses. It was done in brickwork and covered with a wooden roof.
At the beginning of the twelfth century Abbot Peter had the nave and the presbytery raised (by 2.20 metres) and the clerestory windows enlarged, in order to considerably increase the brightness as well as the surface area on which an impressive painted cycle would unfold, modestly preserved today and split by late Renaissance vaults. The decoration was executed in two stages (first the presbytery, then the nave) by different painters, who may have been hired by a single workshop, and was completed soon after by a figurative mosaic pavement (Vaccaro in this volume). The paintings and mosaics were so closely connected to the architecture as to allow us speak of a visual device, involved in the dynamics of the monastic liturgical space.
The iconographic programme starts on the west side of the west crossing arch with a sequence showing the story of Adam and Eve. It continues on the nave walls with forty-four Old Testament figures standing in two registers, from the probable Noah (S01) to Judas Maccabeus (S44), each one formerly identified by a titulus and holding a scroll reading a verse drawn from the relative Book of the Bible. Between the arcades, close to the point of view of the monks or members of the faithful, a scene concerning the Prophet Balaam and the Ass (Num 22, 22-35) is depicted on the south side, while a rare narrative sequence about Jerome and the lion is displayed on the north side. The representation of the Old Testament continues on the west side of the east crossing arch, with the ascensions of Elijah and Enoch flanking what is probably the Ark of the Covenant inside a clypeus held by two angels. On the other face of the arch is juxtaposed a similar composition, with angels bearing the Holy Lamb (or Christ) in a clypeus worshipped by two enigmatic men without halos, who are coming out of arched city gates next to a domed ciboria in perspective: could they be the Witnesses of Apocalypse 11 in Jerusalem? Perhaps the Benedictine commissioners? Or other people entirely? Paolo Piva's contribution to this volume (Iconography and Liturgical Space) attempts to identify them. A part of what is probably an apostle holding a book, on the north wall, is all that remains of the apse depiction, which must certainly have included the Christ in majesty on the half dome. The historical narrative reaches its conclusion with the Last Judgment on the counter-façade, without leaving aside the semantic connections to the unfortunately lacking mosaic.
The whole cycle is framed by several meander bands; the most luxurious, alternating full-coloured perspective ribbons and framed figures, run at the top of the walls next to the missing painted wooden ceiling, as documented by archaeological evidence. The progressive variation on the theme from the apse (swastika ribbons and angels), through the crossing (swastikas and Temple Priests dressed in decorated breastplates: Piva and Kessler in this volume), and into the nave (double "T" ribbons and secular representations), seems to have been connected to the underlying narrative sequence, which attests the function of Ornament in pointing out the iconographic meanings.
This complex visual device has been researched since 2009 by an interdisciplinary team from the University of Milan, led by Paolo Piva and including the author. At the beginning of the project, some figures had completely disappeared, others were extremely fragmented and those in the upper registers had been cut by vaults; in addition, most of tituli and scroll verses were unreadable. Only few figures had been identified: five of the twelve Minor Prophets in the lower North register; Judith and Judas Maccabeus on the opposite wall, towards the counter-façade; Jerome and Balaam between the arcades; Adam and Eve, Elijah, and Enoch in the crossing. Meticulous observation of the painted surface, as well as photo sessions assisted by post-production software, have made it possible to identify scenes from the book of Genesis and recognise some standing figures that are useful in rendering the sequence, which becomes progressively «more Romano» from the apse to the façade.
The synthetic cycle of Adam and Eve is modestly preserved above the vaults. While Roman iconographic tradition implies one or more scenes depicting the Creation of the World, according to the Ambrosian tradition the sequence starts with the Creation of Man, following the illustrated Carolingian Bibles. In Acquanegra, the Lord, in the form of Christ seated on the Globe, is blowing the breath of life upon a no longer visible Adam as he reclines beside the tree. The following Lord/Christ was plausibly creating Eve, as we can gather from Roman examples like San Giovanni a Porta Latina in Rome. The edge of the vault most likely hides the Eating of the Forbidden Fruit. The fourth scene represents the Expulsion from the Garden of Eden: the head and a wing of the Angel reproaching the frightened Adam and Eve, side by side and still naked, are recognisable. Finally, Adam and Eve labouring after their exile must have been depicted, an argument supported by vanishing evidence. While the absence of the Creation of the World points to the Ambrosian tradition, the represented episodes are influenced by Roman models, which attests to the commissioner's and workshop's wide figurative culture.
Proceeding along the upper south register, over the vaults, the little remaining evidence of an elderly man in S03 must be Abraham, according to the vanished “BRAH” over his left shoulder. The imperious armed man in S07, dressed in leather armour, is supposed to be Joshua. The vigorous warrior in S10, with long wavy brown hair and a beard, must be the hero and Judge of Israel, Sampson. The series can consequently be deduced as follows: the old Adam and Noah, or Noah and Seth, or rather Noah and Melchizedek, in S01-02; Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses in S03-06, representing the Pentateuch; Joshua in S07 representing his own Book; perhaps the young Gideon, another Judge of Israel and Sampson in S08-10, from the Book of Judges.
Turning to the north wall, in N14 it is possible to read the faded titulus DAVID close to a young crowned and bearded man: King David who, according to tradition, is not only the author of the biblical Wisdom literature (Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus), but is also the founder of the Kingdom of Israel and a paradigm of kingship throughout the Middle Ages. At the end of the row, in N20, the scroll reads an interpolation of 2Kings 23, 21, a verse identifying its holder as Josiah, king of Judah (ca. 640-690) and promoter of major reforms: he had the sanctuaries, or High Places, destroyed and the Temple of Jerusalem set free from the worship of Baal; he encouraged the exclusive worship of Yahweh and reintroduced the celebration of Passover in Jerusalem. The Church Fathers considered him a paradigm of orthodoxy, a wall against any heresy. Thus, a selection of Kings of Israel/Judah was represented in the upper north register. In N11-13, Eli, Samuel and the controversial Saul are recognisable. Eli was the tenth Judge of Israel, High Priest and Samuel's teacher. It was Samuel who designated Saul and later David as King of Israel. David was certainly followed in N15 by Solomon, as indicated by the regal garments worn by the headless figure. Between Solomon and Josiah (N16-19) there were four Kings of Judah that «did what was right in the eyes of the Lord», from among Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoash, Amaziah, Uzziah/Azariah, Jotham.
The sequence continues in the lower north register where the twelve Minor Prophets (N21-32) appear in biblical order: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The verses shown by Micah, Nahum and Malachi were already known; those of Obadiah, Jonah and Zechariah have now been decoded for the first time (see the Corpus of Inscriptions). According to the exegesis, in particular that of Jerome and Bruno di Segni, they seem to hide a figural sense along three main lines: the struggle against any heresy, the exhortation to keep the faith throughout tribulation, and the prefiguration of the Last Judgment (Chiesa, Guglielmetti in this volume).
Positions S33-35 in the opposite and final row have been lost. Strenuous effort in decoding the scrolls and tituli has made it possible to identify the following figures: Job, Elijah, King Hezekiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Tobias, Judith, Esther, and Judas Maccabeus (S36-44). Although he was not an historical figure, Job is considered as belonging to the age of Prophets by the major commentary on his Book, Pope Gregory I's Moralia in Job. Elijah’s scroll reads 1Kings 17, 14, a verse that is explained with reference to the Eucharist and the Anointing, and also to the Last Judgment. Hezekiah, the wise thirteenth King of Judah, is addressing the Prophet Isaiah and is holding a scroll showing 2Kings 20, 19. Ezekiel introduces his prophecy with the Vision of the Tetramorphos (Ez 1, 4). The scroll held by Daniel, who is dressed in Persian garments with a short tunic, belt and dagger, refers to the first episode of the Lion's Den (Dn 6, 23). It is not by chance that opposite him stands the Minor prophet Habakkuk (N28), who in the second episode of the Lion's Den (Dn 14, 28-42) feeds Daniel, after having been carried to Babylon by an Angel, who is depicted under Daniel between the arcades.
The last four figures represent the Deuterocanonical Books that are placed in the middle of the Latin Vulgate Bible but at the end of the Atlantic recension, which was developed in central Italy during the Gregorian Reform and is characterised by its folio book size and full-page portraits (Orofino in this volume). After Tobias (S41) telling how his father was miraculously saved from blindness, come the only two women of the cycle: Judith, the virtuous and fashionable widow who cheated the Assyrian general Holofernes and decapitated him; and Esther, the Jewish consort of the Persian King Ahasuerus (Xerxes I of Persia, according to tradition). The proud Judas Maccabeus (S44), whose scroll reads 1Mac 3, 58, encourages the Jewish people before the clash against the Seleucid army led by Antiochus. He was considered a paradigm against evil, which was first represented by the Pagan threat, and later by heretic forces.
The neighbouring Last Judgment completes the New Testament, which today is only represented by fragments in poor condition in the upper part of the apse, that plausibly also extended into the transept. Angels playing trumpets (tubicines), which are leaning out of vertical meanders, and which were once displayed at the top of the composition, are waking up naked young men who are emerging from sarcophagi aligned above the earthly Court. The missing Christ in mandorla was flanked by the Virgin Mary and St John the Baptist (configuring the Deesis), both of whom were in turn followed by six apostles seated on jewelled benches. Below, on the right hand side of Christ (the viewer’s left) the Blessed are grouped by social status: kings, laymen, monks and priests, including a bishop, are recognisable. On the other side, where the painted surface is heavily damaged, the same categories of people are packed in together among the Damned, above slight traces of a standing, plumed monster. Under the Blessed, beyond the missing plaster, two further representations are barely visible: the three patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob with a crowd of blessed souls in sinu, perhaps referring to the individual Judgment (passing away) and/or to the Patriarchs' Limbo, as well as an unidentified episode opposing a threatening man and an animal.
From the Creation of Adam and Eve on the west crossing arch, through the forty-four figures of the Old Testament, the cycle depicts the history of Man up to the second century BC. Whoever developed the iconographic programme most likely followed a common source in the Middle Ages: a Universal Chronicle, i.e. a chronological chart covering the history of Man from the Creation to the chronicler's time. Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea and biographer of Constantine the Great, edited the first Chronicle in the early fourth. He composed comparative tables linking the extensive and exotic sequence of names and places listed in the Old Testament with well-known Greek and Roman events. His work was updated by Jerome and later by authors like Isidore of Seville (ca. 615-616) and Bede the Venerable (ca. 725). The correspondence between the cycle of San Tommaso and Isidore's Chronicle, which is split into six Ages, is surprising. The first Age, from Adam to the birth of Noah, is represented by the sequence on the west crossing arch and by the figure in S01, whether the old Adam or Noah. The second Age, from the Great Flood to the birth of Abraham, was likely synthesised by S02, whether Noah or Seth or rather Melchizedek. The third Age, which includes all the Patriarchs and Judges up to the first King of Israel, Saul, corresponded to the remaining upper south row and to the beginning of the north one (S03-10, N11-13). The fourth Age, proceeding from King David to the Babylonian Captivity, covered the remaining part of the upper north row, up to Josiah (N14-20). The fifth Age elapsed from the Captivity to the Incarnation, including all the Prophets and also referring to the Book of Maccabee, which is suitably positioned at the end of the San Tommaso series. The sixth Age, corresponding to the present day and lasting until the Last Judgment, is placed on the counter-façade so as to be visible to the monks from the choir and to the faithful as they exit the church
Representing the Genesis in the Norman Mosaics of Sicily : the Role of Early Christian Rome
Full text linkThe paper is focused on the key role played by narrative cycles of early Christian Rome in developing the iconography of the mosaics of Norman Sicily. Roger II and William I for the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (1130-1166) and William II for the cathedral of Monreale (1173-1189) were searching for visual models able to express their leadership, as well as the cross-cultural identity of their kingdom. To represent the Book of Genesis along the nave, essentials were the cycles painted in Old St Peter’s and St Paul Outside the Walls, known today through some seventeenth century watercolours and reflected by a few Romanesque cycles of central Italy. In the clerestory of the two Sicilian churches the faithfulness to the models is astonishing, nevertheless some details reveal the parallel use of different narrative traditions; hence, a reconsideration of the whole issue is required, in the framework of the cultural interaction of the Mediterranean society during the Middle Ages
San Tommaso ad Acquanegra sul Chiese: le pittura murali della navata : l'Antico Testamento e il Giudizio finale
No full textL'intervento si concentra sull'iconografia del ciclo dipinto nell'ex abbaziale romanica di San Tommaso ad Acquanegra sul Chiese. Nonostante le ampie lacune nell'intonaco dipinto, l'analisi dei caratteri iconografici nonché delle iscrizioni ancora leggibili ha consentito di restituire l'impianto del ciclo e di specificarne alcune dinamiche. Partendo dalla Creazione di Adamo ed Eva sull'arcone dell'incrocio, la navata dispiegava in quattro registri 44 personaggi dell'Antico Testamento: Patriarchi, Giudici, Re di Israele, Profeti maggiori e minori e autori dei libri deuterocanonici. Nei pennacchi delle arcate trovano posto le storie di san Gerolamo, a nord, e l'episodio di Balaam e l'angelo (Libro dei Numeri), a sud. Conclude tale messa in scena della Storia della Salvezza, che si serve dell'Antico Testamento per alludere in senso figurale al Nuovo, il Giudizio finale in controfacciata
The space of narrative: Romanesque wall painting in Northern Italy and its sources
No full textIt is believable that narrative wall painting first appeared in a Christian church in the late Fourth Century. Nola's Bishop Paolino (355-431) at the beginning of the Fifth Century affirmed that biblical cycles painted on a basilica clerestory were "raro more", a rarity: we can gather that he was referring to the main churches in Rome, perhaps in Milan too.
Old St Peter's in Rome, the largest church in the Latin West, presented an extended narrative cycle that exerted a widespread influence on church decoration throughout the Middle Ages. Forty-six fields arranged in two registers represented the Old Testament on the right (North) wall of the nave, as well as forty-six on the facing wall illustrating the New Testament. Standing Prophets and Apostles were aligned between the clerestory windows, while Popes' portraits were put in the lower frieze, just above the colossal lintel. A sequence of Peter's life was depicted in the transept. As Constantine's church was demolished during the Renaissance, to make room for the new St Peter's projected by Bramante, the old paintings are partially known through watercolours made in 1605 by Domenico Tasselli, supporting Giacomo Grimaldi's notes.
Few paintings were still visible in the half nave left standing after the progressive demolition which started from the apse a century earlier. On the right wall, Grimaldi could describe all but three of the twenty-two subjects remaining, thirteen of them drawn by Tasselli. Advising that the narration could be followed from apse to facade, the upper register aligned two episodes concerning Noah's Ark, six about Patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (including Abraham greetings the Angels, the Sacrifice of Isaac, the Blessing of Jacob). It is thought that the demolished twelve bays featured the first part of the Genesis, from the Creation to Cain and Abel. The lower register showed an Exodus sequence ending with Moses Closing the Waters. The destroyed previous bays must have illustrated Patriarch Joseph's life.
The New Testament cycle on the facing wall had mostly disappeared by the early Seventeenth Century. Only the Baptism, the Raising of Lazarus, the Crucifixion, the Anastasis, Christ appearing to the eleven Apostles and the Blessing at Bethany could be recognized by Grimaldi. Tasselli transcribed five of them in the watercolour. It is almost certain that the Baptism concluded an Infancy cycle starting with the Annunciation. The Raising of Lazarus (not drawn by Tasselli) was usually put at the end of Christ's public life, probably depicted in the lower register. Christ's apparitions must have been the conclusion of a sequence related to the Passion and linked to Peter's Mission in the transept.
Not all the paintings dated back to the early Christian period. We are barely informed about restorations occurring in Ninth Century, under Pope Leo IV (847-855) and Pope Formosus (891-896). Further alterations must have been done before Giotto's work on the North clerestory. The representation of the Anastasis seems to appear not early than the Seventh Century; the huge Crucifixion, filling four pictorial fields, could be the enlargement of the primitive scene. As we are focusing on Old St Peter's as a source and inspiration of Romanesque church decoration (paraphrasing the title of a worthy essay by Herbert Leon Kessler), it is not our aim to determine sequence and nature of early restorations. What is important is that St Peter's decoration affected, over eight Centuries, many following monumental cycles, also in Romanesque Lombardy.
St Paul's Outside the Walls was erected during Constantine's reign along the consular Via Ostiense, in a place traditionally referred to the Apostle of the Gentiles' decapitation. Around 385 Theodosius had the middle-size edifice demolished to begin the construction of Rome's second largest church, completed around 400 by the Emperor's sons Honorius and Valentinian. It was an imposing five-aisled Basilica inspired by St Peter's.
Restorations were undertaken by Pope Leo the Great (440-461), whose name was inscribed on the mosaic of the triumphal arch, later described by pope Hadrian I (772-795): "the Savior with the Twenty-Four elders in mosaic which from the time of Leo I had been faithfully worshiped". Many later interventions are recorded, from Leo III (795-816) to Benedict XIV (1740-1758).
Until 1823, when it was heavily damaged by a fire, St Paul's was the only imperial Basilica to have survived the Middle Ages nearly intact. It represented a prototype of early Christian art and architecture, both with classical elements and medieval features. Nevertheless, soon after the fire the edifice was completely demolished and rebuilt, retaining only the mosaics, although radically restored, the forty rounded Popes' portraits, fragments of columns, epigraphs and few other things.
Barberini watercolors (1635) are useful to render the painted cycle of the nave, which was arranged from the triumphal arch to the facade on the wavelength of St Peter's. On the right southern wall scenes from Old Testament Books were unfolded in forty-two panels on two rows, corresponding to the twenty-one intercolumniations. Like in St Peter's, but with four panels fewer, the cycle started next to the triumphal arch with the Book of Genesis, from the Creation of the World to Jacob's Blessing and Dream. The lower register depicted Joseph's and Moses' sequences, up to Angels killing the firstborn Egyptians. On the left northern wall the narration was drawn from the Book of Acts. It began with three Stephan's episodes (Preaching, Persecution, Martyrdom), followed by thirty-nine panels featuring Paul's mission to the Gentiles: from Saulo persecuting the Christians to Peter and Paul's Meeting in Rome, going through journeys, preachings, baptism and miracles. Between the clerestory windows were aligned forty-four Old Testament standing figures, mostly Prophets.
The replication of St Peter's architecture and ornamental system reinforced the popular doctrine of Concordia Apostolorum, depicting the two Apostles working together in harmony as missionaries in the pagan Rome. At the same time, as affirmed by Herbert Leon Kessler (2002), this propagandistic operation "established St Peter's as the paradigm of basilica decoration. It also legitimized the very act of copying; just as St Paul's reflected St Peter's, so too might other painting cycles". The two Roman decorations were going to play an essential role throughout the Middle Ages.
As is the case, for example, of the Benedictine church of S. Calocero in Civate, near Lake Como. In early Twelfth Century, the nave was decorated by an Old Testament cycle unfolded from the North-West corner to the South-West one, in a circular way, and eventually split by vaults which were made later. The starting episodes, depicting Moses, the Pharaoh and the Seven Plagues, were probably affected by the Exodus sequence of St Paul's. For the following scenes, referring to Joshua, Gideon, Sampson, Elias and Judah Maccabee, the commissioner maybe looked at the mid-Fifth Century mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome. Still, an original iconographic tradition coming from Milan, the city of St Ambrose, cannot be excluded.
Unfortunately, nothing remains of the early Christian painted cycles of Milan. The cathedral complex included two main churches, one of them split in five aisles like St Peter's and St Paul's. The complex was completely demolished dating from 1386 in order to built a new gothic edifice, without surveying any structure or decoration. Despite that, a poem composed by Ambrose (or someone else), at the end of the Fourth Century, let us suppose the existence of an Old Testament cycle, starting with Noah, i.e. Genesis. In effect, preserved Romanesque Genesis' sequences in Lombardy, even if strongly fragmented, seem to reflect slightly different models from those of St Peter's and St Paul's, as we are going to discover in St. Vincent in Galliano and in St Thomas in Acquanegra sul Chiese, the church of a Benedictine Monastery.
Still referring to Milan, Old St Ambrose's basilica, founded by Ambrose himself around 386, was also completely pulled down to make room for the Romanesque structure. Neither descriptions nor drawings are available. All that remains are: some columns; the sculpted sarcophagus of Stilicone, re-used as a base of the Romanesque pulpit; a small porphyry sarcophagus, probably destined to Ambrose himself; a bronze snake coming from Constantinople; an opus sectile panel drawing the Holy Lamb.
In Northern Italy, the space of narrative in early Middle Ages is first of all represented by the exceptional, as well as unique, Infancy cycle of S. Maria foris portas in Castelseprio, fifty Km North-West from Milan. Executed by a gifted Greek workshop, probably coming from Constantinople, this extremely classical and naturalistic work doesn't seem to reflect a local tradition nor did it affect the following Latin painting. From its rediscovering in 1947, its chronology has been the topic of an endless academic debate, swinging from Sixth to Tenth Century, each time with persuasive arguments. Still, recent scientific analyses seem to converge to the first half of the Tenth Century, as supposed sixty-four years ago by Kurt Weitzmann.
The Latin West own tradition can be traced in St Savior's in Brescia. The three aisled Basilica of S. Giulia's female Monastery was founded by King Desiderius, his wife Ansa and their son Adelchi in 753. Whether the actual edifice is still the Lombard one, or a Carolingian rebuilt under the reign of Louis the Pious (814-840), is currently in debate. For many reasons, upon which I cannot dwell, I agree with those scholars who consider it the original Lombard church, even though provided with a crypt some years later. The nave shows poor fragments of Christ's cycle on three registers, including some unidentified hagiographical scenes on the lower row of the South wall. Etc
San Salvatore a Barzanò : da chiesa privata a canonica battesimale, tra storia, architettura e congegno figurativo
Full text linkSan Salvatore at Barzanò, from Private Chapel to Baptismal Collegiate Church.
A Historical, Architectural and Art-historical Enquiry
During the Middle Ages Barzanò was a small village forty kilometres northeast of Milan, in the low rolling hills of Martesana, the modern Brianza. The site was first mentioned in 1015 [doc. 1]: due to a privilege of Emperor Henry II, the bishop of Como was granted quandam curtem que dicitur Villa Barzanorum, having the right to dispose of it as a personal possession. The privilege was confirmed in 1055 by Emperor Henry III [doc. 2], but nothing informed us about the destiny of this territory until the late twelfth century, when it would appear under the control of da Porta orientale family, originating from the east side of Milan.
At end of the thirteenth century, the local church of San Salvatore is documented as part of the diocese of Milan and controlled by da Pirovano family, also originating from Milan. The church was probably founded in the late tenth century as a private chapel, on the southeast side of a high ground, perhaps already fortified [ill. 1].
The church of Phase 1, consisting of a square shaped hall (6x6,5 meters) with timber roof and barrel-vaulted rectangular apse, is still partly recognisable in today's building [pl. I]. No architectural decoration, like arched frieze or sculptured elements, articulated the rude and thick masonry [pl. IX-XIII; ill. 3-5, 10]. It was probably the chapel of the main family of Barzanò, an expression of power and status.
At the very beginning of the eleventh century, according to the chrono-typology of architecture and masonry, occurred a main renovation, reflecting functional and ritual changes. The stratigraphic analysis has clarified that the bell-tower was built first (Phase 2a), then the western bay, transforming the first facade in arcade (Phase 2b) [pl. II]. However, the context suggests that both phases belong to a single project [pl. VII-IX, XIII-XIV, XVI, XIX-XX; ill. 12-17]. Building the western bay, the entire nave floor was raised by 0,8 meters, both to level the hill slope and to make room for a crypt under the apse. In fact, although in the absence of stratigraphic evidence, the vaulted part of the crypt was very likely obtained in Phase 2b, excavating the basement and raising the apse floor. Two flight of stairs were probably positioned along the walls, three meters east from those still existing. The pre-Romanesque crypts of San Pietro al Monte at Civate (Lecco), San Daniele alla Pedeserva (Belluno), and San Salvatore at Almenno (Bergamo) are comparable in several aspects [ill. 23-24, 27-29].
Finally, an early christian sarcophagus was placed in the middle of the nave, at the level of the floor US 79 [ill. 30]. It was likely the burial of the dominus, i.e. the head of the household owning the church. In 2010, thanks to a micro camcorder, the inside of the sarcophagus has been explored, documenting disarticulated bones, mud, as well as the peculiar "bathtub" shape [ill. 31-32]. That of San Salvatore is one of the countless exemplars manufactured in northern Italy between the second and the fourth century, starting from big stones of serizzo, which is a rough grey granite widespread at the foothills of the Alps [ill. 34-39]. It was a medium-skilled production without any decoration, addressed to a patronage that couldn't afford a richly sculpted marble sarcophagus imported from the east side of the Empire. Most of "bathtub" sarcophagi were reused, mainly as burials during the early Middle Ages, usually as building blocks during the Romanesque period. Many examples are still visible in Milan, particularly in San Nazaro Maggiore and in San Simpliciano.
Most likely in the late eleventh century, the chapel of San Salvatore evolved in baptismal collegiate church, although only five kilometers away from the ancient baptismal collegiate church of San Vittore in Missaglia. It was the occasion for a further architectural renovation (Phase 3) [pl. III]. A masonry dome on squinches, arcades and piers was built inside the central bay, squeezed up against the walls. The first (disappeared) baptismal font was set up under the dome, which was painted with Christ at the crown and the twelve apostles all around between ornamental bands [pl. XI-XIII; ill. 44]. Also the walls were painted, displaying a peculiar cycle of Christ, extended to the apse but not to the western bay, addressed to the faithful. The archaeological evidence of a parapet (?) (US117), at the corner southeast of the sarcophagus, allows us to assume that a structure would give emphasis on the burial, to celebrate the memory of the dominus [ill. 61-63].
The last medieval renovation dates back to the beginning of the thirteenth century (Phase 4) [pl. IV]. The apse and the crypt were extended towards the nave by the excavation of a corridor/trench covered by timber ceiling [pl. XVII-XVIII, XIV, XVII]. The additional space was connected to the vaulted bay by two arcades, which were obtained demolishing the wall, while the stairs were 'moved' three meters west [pl. XIX-XXXIII; ill. 48-52]. The dome piers northeast and southeast required further foundations. The reorganisation of the liturgical space implied the dismantling of the first baptismal font, that was perhaps half-embedded in the floor, like in a few Romanesque ambrosian examples (Arsago Seprio, Cesano Boscone, Mariano Comense, Missaglia, Oggiono, etc.).
The monumental western portal was realised quite possibly in the same phase [pl. XV; ill. 53-55]. On the keystone QUI FECIT HOC OPUS APPELLATUR SERIN PETRUS (who has made this artefact is called Serin Petrus) [ill. 56] is carved, while an almost disappeared painted inscription seems to have included the date 1231 [ill. 59]. The juxtaposition of serizzo (jambs, lintel, lunette), white marble of Musso (lunette), sandstone (capitals [ill. 57], slopes) and painted plaster (lunette, gable) shall ensure the fine polychromatic effect typical of the late Romanesque period.
In the need to provide a new baptismal font, a workshop experienced in fine stone-cutting was hired, able to engineer and realise an octagonal structure consisting of no less than 49 pieces (considering those allegedly lost) assembled with meticulous precision [pl. XXXV-XXXVII]. The serizzo base consists of a main octagonal slab ringed by eight polygonal blocks. Eight polished slabs of red ammonitic (the so-called red Verona marble, also extracted in Lombardy) constitute the parapet, being based on the octagonal slab and joined by hydraulic lime and iron braces [ill. 64]. The border was formerly finished by a bulging cornice on eight small columns, whose bases were embedded in the ringing polygonal blocks [ill. 67]. Two concentric steps, made of polygonal blocks alternative red (ammonitic) and white (marble), buttress the parapet from the inside. The baptismal font was intentionally positioned under the double arch, so that the hole in the middle of the base could be right over the tiny gap between the old facade and the sarcophagus [ill. 48]: after the ritual, water could outflow conveying to a dry well.
In San Salvatore there is neither material nor written evidence of an altar of Saint John the Baptist, even though it was used during the baptism, in particular in ambrosian context. By the enquiry referred to in Chapter V, it follows that during the Middle Ages twenty-three out of about sixty "pievi" (baptismal churches at the head of a ecclesiastical district) of the diocese of Milan had a distinct church including the baptismal font (still existing in nine cases [ill. 132]), and for other twenty-six there is documentation of an altar of St John the Baptist in the main church. The same is true for some baptismal churches which were not "pievi", as in the case of Barzanò. Why shouldn't there have been such an altar in San Salvatore? Was it perhaps a movable wooden one? The question still stands. On the other hand, the martyrial altar of San Biagio, which has been documented since the late thirteenth century (like in the baptismal churches of Galliano and Legnano), was against the front of the crypt, to the right of the central flight of stairs and close to the baptismal font.
A mural decoration completed the renovation of Phase 3, that means presumably in the late eleventh century [pl. XXI-XXVI]. A peculiar cycle of Christ folds out in the domed bay, modestly and badly preserved despite the 2009-2010 fine restoration. The sequence begins at the top left of the south wall, as usual with the Annunciation [ill. 77-78]. After a gap of plaster (Visitation? Nativity?), it proceeds at the end of the second register with the Presentation of Jesus at the Temple [ill. 79-81]. There is nothing left of the hypothetical third register, where Jesus' Baptism could not be missed, right in front of the baptismal font. The sequence continues on the top left of the north wall, with unidentified scenes of miracle [ill. 83-84], then, on the second register, with another unclear episodes of Jesus' public life, ending with the triple Crucifixion [ill. 89-93]. The hypothetical third register could have included post mortem episodes.
The radial composition of the dome, which implies Christ at the crown and the twelve apostles all around between ornamental bands [pl. XXIII], could be interpreted as the last episode of the christological cycle: the Pentecost, also considering the mural icon of the Virgin with Child at the base [pl. XXII; ill. 112], or rather the Mission of the apostles to the four corners of the World. Moreover, some details suggest a further level of exegesis, coexisting with the previous. According to the Phisiologus and the Bestiaries, the four eagles in the squinches [pl. XXII; ill. 113] assume a baptismal reference, but they also symbolise the faithful who are raising towards the divine. Among Romanesque patterns, the meander band is one of the most conceptual: the one at the base of the dome [ill. 101] seems to point out the line between earthly and heavenly dimension. Given the above, the painted dome could also be seen as a teophanic apparition of the Lord/Christ with his heavenly court, or even a synthetic representation of the heavenly Jerusalem.
The mural decoration was extended into the apse, as proved by two fragments on the north wall, just over the door lintel [pl. XXVI; ill 94-95]. The lower one shows a part of halo under an arcade on a small column, close to the titulus ".(N)DREA": it is enough to envisage a sequence of apostles under arcades [ill. 96], charged to 'take part' in the celebration. The upper fragment shows the peculiar green/orange/white striped tunic worn by Christ (occurring not less than seven times) over a red frame: it means that at least one narrative register ran across the barrel vault.
The experienced workshop rooted its language in the ottonian culture [ill. 114]; nevertheless, it doesn't automatically imply a chronology by the beginning of the eleventh century, as suggested by some scholars trusting only the "stylistic" analysis. Referring to the Middle Ages, the role of traditions, the strength of models of reference, the persistence of pictorial patterns, and the really slow transformations inside a workshop, should be stressed. In such a situation, architectural features are much more reliable as a chronological indicator; in this case they suggest the late eleventh century, which is not in contrast to what is depicted on plaster.
A further mural decoration was executed around the turn of the thirteenth century, as we can gather from fragments preserved on the south wall of the western bay (a sequence of standing saints [ill. 121-123]) and on the north wall of the domed one (a friar [?] saint feeding a homeless person [ill. 82, 84]). Some decades after, the Annunciation was painted over the crypt altar: only the Virgin Mary and the arm of the archangel remains [pl. XXXIV]. Soon after the middle of the fifteenth century, an unidentified family commissioned a scene of reverence towards a (disappeared) saint, on the north wall of the domed bay [ill. 125-126].
By the middle of the eighteenth century a mural painting of the Nativity, dating back to the late Renaissance, was detached from the church of Santa Maria Podone in Milan and walled in over the major altar of San Salvatore [pl. XVII]. Just before 1923 the church was acquired by the municipality of Barzanò and abandoned to deterioration. Finally, from 2004 to 2010 the building has been restored to become a multifunctional space
Il terremoto del 1117 e la Chiesa vecchia di San Pietro all'Olmo
Full text linkLa chiesa di San Pietro all’Olmo, presso Cornaredo, alle porte di Milano lungo la direttrice che conduce a Novara e Vercelli, è nota per aver ospitato una fiorente comunità di canonici regolari agostiniani, documentata dal 1169 e soppressa nel 1542. Del complesso canonicale, gestito in commenda fra il 1544 e 1788, ancora si riconoscono il perimetro del chiostro e alcuni ambienti pur assai rimaneggiati; ma soprattutto si conserva la chiesa, il cui impianto a T monoabsidata reca intatto l’elevato di XII secolo, ad eccezione della facciata bassomedievale con rifacimenti in stile postunitari.
Un intervento integrato di restauro conservativo e di indagine archeologica, condotto dal 2005 al 2010, ha riportato alla luce parte della splendida muratura di corsi di ciottoli stilati alternati a embrici in opus spicatum, ma anche un’ininterrotta stratificazione d’uso che risale alla prima età imperiale, nonché alcune migliaia di calcinacci dipinti appartenenti ad un decoro figurativo da collocare nel secolo XI, e di cui son stati ricomposti alcuni lacerti.
Nonostante tali evidenze archeologiche, architettoniche e figurative, in parte divulgate da contributi di profilo archeologico e dall’encomiabile lavoro di uno storico locale, Graziano Vanzulli, la chiesa di San Pietro all’Olmo resta sorprendentemente priva di bibliografia scientifica storico-artistica, a parte cenni di Carlo Bertelli, né viene considerata nel dibattito sull’architettura lombarda del secolo XII.
Tale situazione rende ancor più urgente la verifica dell’ipotesi formulata nel corso del restauro e ribadita dalla pubblicistica divulgativa, secondo cui l’attuale struttura costituirebbe la riedificazione di una chiesa di età ottoniana di medesima icnografia, demolita in seguito ai danni riportati durante il terremoto del gennaio 1117
Représenter la Genèse dans les milieux ambrosiens aux XI -XII siècles
Full text linkLa tradition figurative du premier livre de la Bible continue d’être en objet d’études privilégié pour les historiens de l’art médiéval, soulevant plus particulièrement la question des modèles. Le problème est compliqué et il ne manque pas de mise au point, mais est-on sûr que le problème des modèles c’est la question centrale ? Lors de la conception d'un programme iconographique, l'influence des modèles se mêle à bien d'autres facteurs, capable d'expliquer le pluralisme et le caractère expérimental des solutions adoptées. En effet, si on analyse chacun des cycles lombards de la Genèse (Galliano, Agliate, Torba, Muralto, Acquanegra sul Chiese, Carogo), le choix des épisodes et leur déroulement se révèlent plus hétérogènes qu'on ne le pensait. Cela permet d’affirmer que la tradition figurative du premier livre de la Bible continue à s'opposer à tout tentative d’établir des archétypes et des filiations cohérentes, et qu’il est de plus en plus souhaitable d’examiner chacun de cas dans une optique contextuelle
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