342 research outputs found
Figure for Reynolds & Riede, House of Cards, Antiquity
Figure by Natasha Reynolds and Felix Riede, based on an image by Lluisa Iborra licensed under CC BY
3.0.Created for Reynolds, N. & Riede, F. House of cards: cultural taxonomy and the study of the European Upper Palaeolithic. In press, Antiquity.</div
Eulophophyllum kirki Ingrisch & Riede, sp. n.
Eulophophyllum kirki Ingrisch & Riede sp. n. urn:lsid: Orthoptera.speciesfile.org:TaxonName:493861 Holotype (female): East Malaysia: Sabah, Danum Valley (N 4° 57’ 55’’; E 117° 41’ 25’’, ca 170 m), 6. vi.2013, photographed by Peter Kirk (Fig. 3 B-F). Other material (photograph of a male, Fig. 3 A): East Malaysia: Sabah, Danum Valley field centre, night walk, 24.i.2009, photographed by Paul Bertner (https://www.flickr.com/photos/rainforests/3430798861). Diagnosis.— This species is very similar to E. lobulatum sp. n. with regard to the strongly widened tegmina, lobate hind tibiae and green and pink color polymorphism. It differs by the more semioval and relatively longer tegmina with seven or eight instead of five transverse veins in the medial field. The apical area of the male cerci is narrower than in E. lobulatum. Description (female holotype).— Pronotum with concave anterior and convex posterior margin; disc flat, lateral margins straight and subangular; paranota a little longer than high, posterior area covered by a projecting flap of tegmen.Tegmen strongly widened;anterior margin moderately convex near both ends, nearly substraight in middle; posterior margin strongly convex, nearly semi-circular (Fig. 3 C-F). Tegminal venation: costa normal, costal field widened with oblique cross veins; subcosta and radius parallel and closely approaching each other, little diverging before apex of tegmen; radius without distinct branches but connected by numerous weak veinlets to media anterior, two of those veinlets in posterior half of tegmen that are slightly stronger and run more obliquely than the other veinlets in this area, can be regarded as branches of radius that are fused with media anterior; media forked shortly behind base; media anterior running parallel with and close to radius, both veins connected by numerous faint cross veinlets; media posterior fused with cubitus and the fused veins forming the hind margin of tegmen; media field (area between media anterior and media posterior) extremely widened with all cross veins within this field curved (in situ) dorso-craniad, the last of those cross veins with a twofold base; dorsal area of tegmen narrow, triangular and short (Fig. 1 E). Legs: Fore tibia normal (quadrangular), tibial tympana conchate on anterior (internal), open on posterior (external) side; mid tibia with dorsal margins little widened in basal half; hind femur widened in basal half, narrow in apical half; hind tibia with both dorsal margins strongly expanded conferring a leaf-like appearance (Fig. 3 B). Coloration (living female, pink color variant, Fig. 3 B-F). Head, pronotum, thorax, abdomen, and ovipositor light pink. Antennae pink at base, otherwise dark brown with white and black spaced annulation. Head with a white band from base of mandibles to compound eyes, running along and continued behind eyes; compound eyes light green,ocelli white; tips of mandibles and maxillary palpi black. Pronotum with pale green lateral angles. Tegmen pink at very base, later red with anterior margin, veins and main cross veins and area between radius and media anterior pastel green; subcosta, radius and fused media - cubitus posterior for the greatest part pink or red. Fore and mid legs pink; fore tibia at base and mid tibia in basal half green, both with a black subapical mark; tarsi dirty green. Hind femur pink at base, getting darker posteriorally, apical half and ventral margin except at base green; posterior tibia green at base and apex, the larger expanded central area dark red on ventral, brown on dorsal side, margins green; posterior tarsus green. Coloration (living male, green color variant, Fig. 3 A). Rather uniformly green; thorax, fore and mid legs pale green; abdomen for the greater part yellowish green. Head green with a white band bordering compound eyes on posterior side and running down to clypeus; antennal flagellum blackish, narrowly annulated and with spaced white rings; maxillary palpi with black tips. Pronotum green; disc with white lateral bands. Tegmen green; anterior margin, most veins and main cross-veins are a little lighter yellowish green; along radius in the area between radius and media there is a dark greyish green band. Fore tibiae with a black spot near ventral end. The male cerci have the apical area distinctly narrowed setose before tip. Etymology.— Named after the photographer of the holotype, Peter Kirk.Published as part of Sigfrid Ingrisch, Klaus Riede & George Beccalon, 2016, The Pink Katydids of Sabah (Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae: Phaneropterinae: Eulophophyllum) with Description of Two New Species, pp. 67-74 in Journal of Orthoptera Research 25 (2) on pages 71-73, DOI: 10.1665/034.025.0205, http://zenodo.org/record/23080
Fig. 1. A-F in The Pink Katydids of Sabah (Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae: Phaneropterinae: Eulophophyllum) with Description of Two New Species
Fig. 1. A-F, Comparison of venation of left (A, F) or right tegmina (B-E) between Dysmorpha, Leptoderes and Eulophophyllum speciesPublished as part of Sigfrid Ingrisch, Klaus Riede & George Beccalon, 2016, The Pink Katydids of Sabah (Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae: Phaneropterinae: Eulophophyllum) with Description of Two New Species, pp. 67-74 in Journal of Orthoptera Research 25 (2) on page 69, DOI: 10.1665/034.025.0205, http://zenodo.org/record/23080
Steps towards operationalizing an evolutionary archaeological definition of culture
This paper will examine the definition of archaeological cultures/techno-complexes from an evolutionary perspective, in which culture is defined as a system of social information transmission. A formal methodology will be presented through which the concept of a culture can be operationalized, at least within this approach. It has already been argued that in order to study material culture evolution in a manner similar to how palaeontologists study biological change over time we need explicitly constructed ‘archaeological taxonomic units’ (ATUs). In palaeontology, the definition of such taxonomic units – most commonly species – is highly controversial, so no readily adoptable methodology exists. Here it is argued that ‘culture’, however defined, is a phenomenon that emerges through the actions of individuals. In order to identify ‘cultures’, we must therefore construct them from the bottom up, beginning with individual actions. Chaîne opèratoire research, combined with the formal and quantitative identification of variability in individual material culture behaviour allows those traits critical in the social transmission of cultural information to be identified. Once such traits are identified, quantitative, so-called phylogenetic methods can be used to track material culture change over time. Phylogenetic methods produce nested hierarchies of increasingly exclusive groupings, reflecting descent with modification within lineages of social information transmission. Once such nested hierarchies are constructed, it is possible to define an archaeological culture at any given point in this hierarchy, depending on the scale of analysis. A brief example from the Late Glacial in Southern Scandinavia is presented and it is shown that this approach can be used to operationalize an evolutionary definition of ‘culture’ and that it improves upon traditional, typologically defined technocomplexes. In closing, the benefits and limits of such an evolutionary and quantitative definition of ‘culture’ are discussed
Fig. 3 in The Pink Katydids of Sabah (Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae: Phaneropterinae: Eulophophyllum) with Description of Two New Species
Fig. 3. Eulophophyllum species in habitat (A, D, G) and sitting on red leaves (B-C, E-F): A, E. kirki sp. n. male (Danum); B-F, E. kirki sp. n. female (Danum); G, E. lobulatum sp. n. female (Kinabalu). – A, C, F, G, lateral view; B, apical view of hind legs and ovipositor; D, oblique lateral view. Photographs: A, Paul Bertner; B-E, Peter Kirk; F, Mark Eller. For color version, see Plate III.Published as part of Sigfrid Ingrisch, Klaus Riede & George Beccalon, 2016, The Pink Katydids of Sabah (Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae: Phaneropterinae: Eulophophyllum) with Description of Two New Species, pp. 67-74 in Journal of Orthoptera Research 25 (2) on page 72, DOI: 10.1665/034.025.0205, http://zenodo.org/record/23080
Children and innovation: A Wenner‐Gren workshop
Thirty years ago, Grete Lillehammer1 published her seminal paper, A Child is Born, which many archeologists saw as a call to arms to meaningfully integrate children into archeological inquiries. In the intervening decades, there has been a slow but steady uptake in child‐focused studies in archeology. A survey of articles published in 14 mainstream journals in anthropology produced in the first 25 years since Lillehammer's article found that of the more than 14,000 articles published, only just under 400 could be considered “child‐focused.” Close to 60% of these articles centered on growth and development, morphology, the identification of disease, breastfeeding, and weaning; 15% concerned burial practices and aging and sexing skeletal material; and 10% derived primarily from the nonhuman primate literature. Only a few percentages of the articles were devoted to archeological perspectives on the lived lives of children.No Full Tex
Towards a new social contract for archaeology and climate change adaptation
Anthropogenic climate change is one of the greatest challenges facing society in the twenty-first century. Climate impacts present wicked and messy challenges that require a cross-disciplinary understanding of social and biophysical change (Tengö et al. 2010). There is a growing body of evidence that climate change will have impacts on food production (Barrett 2010), global health (Watts et al. 2015, 2017), the frequency of hazardous events (IPCC 2014), resource conflict (Barnett and Adger 2007) and the displacement of people (Adger et al. 2013a; Bettini 2013, 2017). Curiously, archaeology, a subject with a long history of studying human-environment interactions, plays a very limited role in contemporary debates about appropriate responses to climate challenges (Costanzo et al. 2007; Dearing et al. 2006; Van de Noort 2013). This paper develops recent calls for archaeology to more actively participate in contemporary climate-adaptation research, public education and community empowerment (Riede 2014a; Riede et al. 2016a; Van de Noort 2013). Firstly, we outline the ways in which long-term perspectives of human interactions with changing climates (and thus archaeology) can contribute to global change research (GCR). Secondly, we outline the idea of a ‘social contract’ in archaeology as a way to enhance GCR. This ‘social contract’ would: (i) encourage interdisciplinary publications that synthesize archaeological research focusing on evidence of the long-term impacts of climate change on human societies; (ii) encourage museums to engage the public with thematic exhibitions that outline impacts of climate change on cultures in the past in ways that make explicit connections to contemporary debates; and, (iii) encourage transdisciplinary projects that better engage the physical sciences with the social sciences and the humanities, as well as with the academy and civil society
Towards an archaeology of pedagogy: learning, teaching and the generation of material culture traditions
In this article we seek to build on efforts to apply the insights of social learning theory to interpret patterns of continuity and change in the archaeological record. This literature suggests that stable and often highly arbitrary material culture traditions are likely to be founded on our biologically evolved capacity for imitation. However, it has recently been argued that the latter may be insufficient to explain the long-term maintenance of complex and difficult-to-master skills, such as those required to produce stone tools, pots, textiles and other cognitively opaque cultural forms. To ensure that these skills are accurately transferred to the next generation, adults must actively guide and control the learning activities of their children, a mode of transmission that can be labelled 'pedagogy'. The importance of pedagogy has often been overlooked in the theoretical and empirical literature on craft learning, a fact that can probably be attributed to an unnecessarily narrow conception of teaching that equates it with explicit linguistic instruction. Using ethnographic data gathered from detailed case studies, we characterize pedagogy in the context of craft apprenticeships as involving the gradual scaffolding of skill in a novice through demonstration, intervention and collaboration. Although these processes cannot be directly observed in the archaeological record, they can sometimes be inferred through the detailed reconstruction of operational chains in past technologies. The evidence we present suggests that pedagogy has played an essential role in securing the faithful transmission of skills across generations, and should be regarded as the central mechanism through which long-term and stable material culture traditions are propagated and maintained
Figure 4: Response of mule deer females to natural mule deer distress calls, synthesized mule deer distress calls and sine wave stimuli.
We (Tobias Riede and Susan Lingle) modeled synthesized mule deer (MD) distress calls using parameters measured from natural distress calls (described in publication). We created sine wave stimuli that had the same mean F0 as the natural and synthesized distress calls. The sine wave stimuli had no additional harmonics and were longer (5 s in length). These stimuli were played to mule deer mothers in the field in summer 2013. Data were collected by video and audio-recording female responses. Data were transcribed from video and audio and entered into an excel spreadsheet.
Data columns represent:
Column A: Type of call = Natural MD (mule deer), Synthesized MD or Sine MD
Column B: Specific call refers to the individual producing the call or upon which the stimulus was prepared.
Column C: Mean fundamental frequency (mean F0) for the sound stimulus.
Column D: Distance between female and speaker at the start of the trial.
Column E: Closest distance the female came to the speaker, for females that approached the speaker (na or not applicable if a female did not approach).
Column F: Basic response of female. Possibilities include: Retreat; No response; Intermittent alert, Continual alert, Approach.
Column G: Female’s ehaviour close to speaker. If a female approached within 10 m of the speaker, did she remain within that distance for at least 10 s? Yes (y), No, or na (not applicable).
Column H: Mule deer response coded. The number is based on the general response, the distance to which the female approached, and whether she remained close to the speaker if she came within 10 m. See corresponding publication for details
Mount Etna Sicily: Vulnerability and Resilience during the Pre-Industrial Era
Mount Etna is one of the world’s few continually active continental volcanoes and its frequent flank eruptions have been recorded since classical times. These studies have generated a vast literature which, not only enables the impact of eruptions, recovery from them and aspects of human vulnerability and resilience to be brought into focus, but also provides information that allows an assessment to be made of the interplay between environmental, economic and social forces which has shaped this area into Sicily’s most distinctive region. In this paper we argue that a unique agriculturally-based society, largely developing indigenously and without significant outside assistance, evolved during a long pre-industrial era, which stretched from late antiquity until the 1950s. In terms of loss-bearing, responses were also typically pre-industrial, with the 1923 eruption denoting the close of this period. Responses were managed with relatively little outside help or intervention. The 1928 eruption marked a transition, after which responses involved progressively greater State intervention. In the pre-industrial era eruptions were managed at three levels: through limited State involvement; by mutual support within village communities, in which religious belief and explanations for losses provided both a social cement - the church often providing leadership and pastoral support - and a context in which losses could be explained; and by family and extended family groups. Finally we argue that these indigenous mechanisms of coping hold important lessons about how disasters on Etna may be managed today
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