66 research outputs found
The Greek suffix -ινδα within the Micro-Asiatic multilingual context
No full textThe Greek suffix -ινδα, which characterises adverbs denoting games (such as βασιλίνδα “king of the castle”, κρυπτίνδα “hide and seek”, on these adverbs see Dedè 2016), has a phonological shape difficult to explain within Greek and Indo-European phonology, as already observed by Pierre Chantraine (1933:277): “l’origine de ces adverbes est claire, mais le suffixe qui s’y trouve impliqué presente une structure singulière. Aucune analyse ne permet d’expliquer le groupe -νδ-”. In the same context Chantraine, also quoting a statement by Herodotus, suggested that the suffix has its ultimate origin in Asia Minor, particularly in Lydia.
A fact which deserves consideration, although it is in itself not enough to demonstrate the Asiatic origin of the suffix, is the presence in the area of several place names ending in -ινδα (e.g. Πιγίνδα in Caria, Σίνδα in Pisidia). Another element, which encourages to elaborate on this perspective is the hypothesis – in our view correct – recently put forth by Paola Dardano (2011), according to which the suffix -ίδᾱς, which in the Homeric poems forms patronymics and is later refunctionalised as a suffix for deriving proper names, would have entered Greek via the Lydian language.
In my talk I will take into account and discuss the hypothesis of a Micro-Asiatic origin of the suffix -ινδα, evaluating its position within the context of linguistic contact between Greek and the languages of Asia Minor
Ludonimia e classi lessicali: lo statuto degli avverbi di gioco in -ινδα del greco
No full textThe so called -ινδα adverbs are a peculiar and poorly attested class of words in Ancient Greek which denote games. This paper considers their status as a class by taking into account their main morphological, syntactic and semantic characteristics. At the end of the analysis, the conclusion is drawn that the ancient and traditional classification of the -ινδα ludonyms as adverbs is in fact inconsistent, though they are not prototypical nouns either. Rather, they are a non-prototypical category whose properties are due to their reference to the semantic field of games
Tra analisi morfologica e teoria linguistica : i nomi radicali nella lingua omerica
No full textThis article deals with root nouns in the homeric language, mainly from a morphological standpoint. The author points out the relevance that the category ‘root nouns’ has in the field of Indo-European linguistics and analyzes the main features of this group of nouns in the homeric poems. He states that root nouns are not a homogeneous class in the homeric language, though they are to be regarded as such in Indo-European. The particular role that root nouns play in the understanding of the concept of ‘indo-european root’ is then inquired; finally the attention is focused on the function of ablaut in these nouns, and the author deals with the hypothesis that ablaut in root nouns can serve as a mark of Aktionsart
L'etimologia di gr. θεός : un bilancio
No full textIn questo articolo vengono esaminati i problemi principali relativi all’etimologia di gr. θεός “dio”. Dopo una breve disamina delle principali etimologie proposte dall’antichità ai giorni nostri, ci si focalizza sulle due etimologie considerate più probabili: la prima riconduce θεός a una radice i.e. root *dhwes “soffiare, respirare”, mentre la seconda parte da un nome radicale ricostruito come *dheh1s- “ciò che è sacro”. Benché in anni più recenti la seconda etimologia si sia imposta come quella più certa, l’analisi dei punti di forza e di debolezza di entrambe le proposte etimologiche mostra che, anche se la seconda etimologia non presenta problemi per quanto riguarda gli aspetti formali ed è pertanto preferibile, non ci sono prove decisive per escludere la prima in via definitiva.In this paper the main problems relating to the etymology of Gk. θεός “god” are discussed. After a brief discussion of the principal etymologies proposed both in ancient and modern times, two etymologies are taken into account, which have established themselves as the most probable: the first one traces θεός back to an i.-e. root *dhwes meaning “blow, breathe”, while the second one starts from a reconstructed root noun *dheh1s- “sacred”. Although in recent years the second etymology established itself as the most certain, the analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of both etymologies shows that, although the second etymology does not involve problems as regards formal aspects and is therefore preferable, there is no compelling evidence to exclude the first one
Éric Dieu, L’accentuation des noms en *-ā (*-eh2) en grec ancien et dans les langues indo-européennes. Étude morphologique et sémantique, Innsbruck, Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck, 2016, pp. xvi + 650 (“Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft”, 156)
No full textNominal compounds, roots and word classes between Indo-European reconstruction and historical evidence
No full textThis talk presents and discusses some issues about the relationships between nominal compounds, the concept of “root” and the organisation of the lexicon into word classes in the ancient Indo-European languages
Per una storia della famiglia lessicale di gr. θεός
No full textLa parola greca θεός “dio” è da sempre oggetto di studi e ricerche nel campo dell’antichistica, tanto dal punto di vista etimologico quanto da quello storico-culturale; nonostante i notevoli progressi compiuti, rimangono numerosi punti che necessitano di ulteriori ricerche e chiarimenti. Utilizzando le metodologie e gli strumenti propri della linguistica storica, la relazione si propone di indagare i rapporti formali e semantici tra i componenti della famiglia lessicale di θεός (in particolare θέσφατος e θεσπέσιος) - visualizzandoli anche all’interno del più vasto quadro delle relazioni tra il greco e le altre lingue indoeuropee che testimoniano formazioni simili - e di cercare di fare il punto sullo stato della questione, individuandone i nodi più problematici e i possibili spunti per ulteriori ricerche
I nomi greci in -αρ e -ωρ : eteroclisi e classi nominali
No full textQuesto volume è la parziale rielaborazione di una tesi di dottorato discussa presso l'Università degli Studi di Milano e consiste nello studio dei nomi greci in -αρ e -ωρ che possono essere portati come testimoni di antichi paradigmi neutri eterocliti in -r/n-. Dopo un’analisi dei singoli lemmi, operata tenendo in considerazione principalmente aspetti morfologici e lessicali, viene operata una sintesi sullo statuto dei nomi neutri in -r/n- in greco come classe lessicale. Come risultato, viene mostrato che nell’evoluzione dall’indoeuropeo al greco è avvenuto un mutamento sostanziale riguardo alla tipologia di radice su cui vengono formati i nomi eterocliti in -r/n-: mentre i nomi eterocliti indoeuropei erano costruiti principalmente a partire da radici nominali, è ravvisabile in greco un chiaro pattern morfologico che deriva nomi eterocliti da radici verbali. Inoltre, i nomi eterocliti greci più recenti mostrano costantemente non il suffisso eteroclito semplice -r/n-, bensì il suffisso complesso -wr/n-. La mancanza di omogeneità all’interno della classe dei nomi in -αρ e -ωρ è così spiegata (almeno in parte) dalla contemporanea presenza di formazioni più antiche e più recenti, che implicano differenti caratteristiche morfosemantiche. Infine, si indaga il rapporto tra le forme greche in -ωρ e i ‘collettivi’ indoeuropei e si avanza l’ipotesi che la maggior parte dei nomi greci desinenti in -ωρ può essere ricollegata alla classe dei collettivi indoeuropei sulla base di tre differenti caratteristiche semantiche, ovvero il loro essere nomi-massa, nomi astratti o nomi il cui significato implica una categorizzazione collettiva del loro referente.This book is the partial revision of a doctoral dissertation discussed at the State University of Milan. Its object are Greek -αρ and -ωρ nouns which can be taken into account as evidence for ancient -r/n- heteroclitic stems. After a one-by-one analysis of the Greek forms, based mainly on morphological and semantic criteria, a synthesis is made about the status of -r/n- neuter nouns as a class within the Greek lexicon. As a result, it is shown that in the evolution from Proto-Indo-European to Greek a substantial change took place in the type of root on which -r/n- heteroclitic nouns were formed: while PIE heteroclitic nouns were mostly built on nominal roots, there is a clear morphological pattern in Greek that derives heteroclitic nouns from verbal roots. Furthermore, younger heteroclitic nouns in Greek consistently show not the simple heteroclitic suffix -r/n- but the complex suffix -wr/n-. The lack of homogeneity within the class of -αρ and -ωρ nouns is thus (at least in part) explained by the simultaneous presence of older and younger heteroclitic formations, which imply different morphosemantic features. The link between Greek forms in -ωρ and Indo-European ‘collectives’ is also investigated and it is argued that most of the Greek nouns ending in -ωρ might be traced back to the PIE class of collective nouns according to three different semantic features, being either mass-nouns or abstract nouns or nouns whose meaning entails a collective view of their referent
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