75 research outputs found

    The construction of Karen Karnak: The multi-author-function

    No full text
    This thesis is situated within the comparatively recent developments of Web 2.0 and the emergence of interactive WikiMedia, and explores the mode of authorship within a Read/Write culture compared to that of a Read/Only tradition. The hypothesis of this study is that the role of the audience has become merged with the author, and as such, represents new functions and attributes, distinct from a more conventional concept of authorship, in which the roles of audience and author are more separate. Read/Write and participatory culture, as defined by this study, is focused on collaboration, and includes the influences of D.I.Y. culture, Open-Source practices and the production of text by multiple authors. Multi-authorship presents a re-thinking of several concepts which support the notion of the individual author, since the focus of multi-authorship is not on attribution and ownership of a finished text, but on the continued malleability of a text. Modes of multi-authorship, demonstrated in the use of the pseudonyms Alan Smithee and Karen Eliot, represent declarative authors whose names signify multiple origins, whilst concurrently indicating a distinct body of work. The function of these names form an important context to this study, since primary research involves the construction of an experimental mode of multi-authorship utilising WikiMedia technology and the interaction of thirty nine participants, who are invited to create a body of work under the collective pseudonym Karen Karnak. The data generated by this experiment is analysed using aspects of Michel Foucault's author-function to identify and determine power structures inherent in the WikiMedia context. The interplay of power structures, including concepts such as identity, ownership and the body of work, affect the resulting mode of authorship and contribute to the construction of Karen Karnak, suggesting further areas of research into the emerging multi-author

    Music and power at the English court, 1575-1624

    No full text
    This thesis examines the functions of music and dance in English occasional entertainments between 1575 and 1624 by considering masques, country house entertainments, royal entries and civic pageantry. It explores the changing discourse of music's place within court entertainments, and the ways that different types of entertainment present music. Music's associations with court power are tested through an examination of the ways in which it is adopted and adapted on non-courtly public occasions. This thesis contends that musical provision and musicality were crucial to the prestige of a particular event, and are therefore crucial to a contextualised interpretation of the textual traces the events have left behind. It seeks to understand the role of music in these events, both in terms of the way its particular qualities are deployed, and also the way those qualities are presented and exploited within the allegorical schemes of the entertainments themselves. This study interrogates the circumstances of particular occasions, including aspects such as the place and time of an event, the political standing of the people who attended and commissioned it, and the resources and personnel available to provide the music and dance for such events. Rather than seeking to separate out these elements, this thesis examines the way they interact, showing both how music can bring connotative meaning to the events it is part of, and also how the events themselves shape musical meaning in particular ways. This thesis demonstrates that music's meanings are shaped by the extra-musical factors that surround it, and that music is able both to absorb and bestow meaning across the boundaries of social differentiation that it is enlisted to reinforce

    Reply to C. Nabhan et al

    No full text

    Preparing for the people's war: the left and patriotism in the 1930's

    No full text
    In the 1930S the Labour Party was engaged in an intense debate over the direction of its foreign policy in response to the rise of expansionist fascist powers in Europe. The lift of the party rejected rearmament by the National govemment. Others, like Hugh Dalton, called for rearmament. Some historians have seen this second stance as incompatible with socialism, describing it as an adjustment to reality. This article argues that the Labour re-armers accommodated national difence within their socialism, and that this benefited the party when in 1940 it entered the Churchill coalition and in 1945 when it faced the electorate

    Hostile Takeover: Hijacking of Endoplasmic Reticulum Function by T4SS and T3SS Effectors Creates a Niche for Intracellular Pathogens

    No full text
    After entering a cell, intracellular pathogens must evade destruction and generate a niche for intracellular replication. A strategy shared by multiple intracellular pathogens is the deployment of type III secretion system (T3SS)- and type IV secretion system (T4SS)-injected proteins (effectors) that subvert cellular functions. A subset of these effectors targets activities of the host cell's endoplasmic reticulum (ER). Effectors are now appreciated to interfere with the ER in multiple ways, including capture of secretory vesicles, tethering of pathogen vacuoles to the ER, and manipulation of ER-based autophagy initiation and the unfolded-protein response. These strategies enable pathogens to generate a niche with access to cellular nutrients and to evade the host cell's defenses

    THE BRITISH NEW LABOUR PARTY AND POLITICAL ZIONISM: CONTINUITY OF AN ESSENTIAL DILEMMA

    No full text
    This thesis examines the basis and nature of the relationship between the British our Party and political Zionism. Specifically, it locates the decision-making process and policies of the British New Labour Party towards political Zionism and the Israel-Palestinian question, within the historical evolution of this relationship. This thesis demonstrates that this relationship is uniquely based on common origins, a shared socialist ideology and related religious philosophies, with the Labour Party historically demonstrating a pro-political Zionist tendency in its decision and policymaking trajectory. However, a growing awareness within the Labour Party of the realities of both Palestine and political Zionism, in particular the consequences for the indigenous people, - the Palestinians, has presented key Labour figures, and the party generally, with an essential dilemma. The thesis argues that support for political Zionism has ultimately posed ideological and political contradictions for the Labour Party, whilst simuhaneously presenting personal psychological dilemmas for key leadership and policy-making figures. The three dimensions of this essential dilemma, ideological, political and psychological, have combined in a process of progressive adjustment of the historical pro-political Zionist policy trajectory, towards a position of neutrality. This adjustment has been consistent through the old Labour and New Labour decision and policy-making eras, and therefore the policy of New Labour cannot be fully understood without reference to this historical evolutionary process. This neutral position has enabled the party to not only accommodate its traditional pro-political Zionism inclinations, which stem from the personal or psychological and ideological commitments of its leadership and constituencies, but also to avoid ththe full implications ol internal and external determinants that might have otherwise divided the party.EThOS - Electronic Theses Online ServiceGBUnited Kingdo

    'Rebellious and Contrary': the Glasgow Dockers c.1853 to 1932

    No full text
    This text provides an authoritative historical account of life and work along the Glasgow waterfront in the 19th and 20th centuries. Glasgow dockers, composed mainly of Catholic Irish and Protestant Scottish Highlanders, were at the forefront of dock trade unionism in Britain in the 19th and 20th centuries. Formidable and fiercely independent, they fashioned their trade unionism to protect the casual system of employment, preserve traditional workplace practices, and defend local Scottish autonomy. In the 20th century they broke away from two national British unions because of "the tyranny of English trade unionism". Reputedly, Ernest Bevin, leader of the Transport and General Workers Union, described them as "rebellious and contrary" when they seceded and formed their own independent Scottish union in 1932
    corecore