71 research outputs found
PAS823120_Supplemental_Material_(1) – Supplemental material for Conquest and Conflict: The Colonial Roots of Maoist Violence in India
No full textSupplemental material, PAS823120_Supplemental_Material_(1) for Conquest and Conflict: The Colonial Roots of Maoist Violence in India by Ajay Verghese and Emmanuel Teitelbaum in Politics & Society</p
A qualitative study on White students’ understanding of racism at a predominantly White university
No full textRacism and racial microaggressions on college campuses are daily occurrences for students of color, with White students usually being the perpetrators (Bonilla-Silva, 2018; Sue et al, 2007). Most studies on racism and perceptions of racism are done from the points of view of students of color (e.g., Harper, 2013; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Smith, Mustaffa, Jones, Curry, & Allen, 2016; Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Tawa, Suyemoto, & Roemer, 2012). At a flagship, Midwestern PWI and selective Research 1 university, this study aimed to understand the process through which White students understand and perceive racism, including how they make meaning of the motivations and behaviors associated with the subtle and overt actions of racial microaggressions. An exploratory qualitative design was employed in order to learn about White students’ perceptions of racism and racial microaggressions. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten White American students, three times each, to hear their points of view regarding racism and racial microaggressions.
Using a thematic analysis, five overarching themes were identified: Privilege, Racism, Working Towards Understanding, Affirmative Action, and Politics. When presented with four scenarios containing racial microaggressions, all of the participants demonstrated knowledge of what microaggressions were. However, the findings revealed that each participant (at least once) either found nothing wrong or defended the perpetrator for not having malintent. It appears that recognition of microaggressions is separate from denunciation.
Each participant also had a different definition of racism from one another. While they shared their own definitions, most of the participants’ definitions did not explain racism further than blatant, explicit acts. Each student acknowledged racism exists today, yet the majority believe it has drastically declined, dovetailing with Bonilla-Silva’s (2018) findings.
This study suggests that most of the White participants are not understanding of the experiences of students of color and that most think racism is only overt, hateful acts against people of color, complementing previous studies (Bonilla-Silva, 2018; Cabrera, 2014; Harper, 2012). Most of these White college students did not understand nuances of racism nor how deeply engrained it is in our society, as colorblind ideology (Bonilla-Silva, 2018), aversive racism (Dovidio, 1996), and the racial microaggressions framework (Sue et al., 2007) propose. However, a few of the students were indeed more aware and understanding, perhaps being further along with their White racial identity development. In order for White students to begin to understand the intricacies of racism and work to dismantle it, we must start teaching about racism as it is: a spectrum, not a good person/bad person binary. These findings do not imply, however, that diversity workshops/trainings and courses do not work; such learning opportunities, when done well, are worthwhile, and diversity among higher education students, faculty and staff is valuable.Submission published under a 24 month embargo labeled 'U of I Access', the embargo will last until 2022-05-01The student, Emily Teitelbaum, accepted the attached license on 2020-04-27 at 11:39.The student, Emily Teitelbaum, submitted this Dissertation for approval on 2020-04-27 at 11:40.This Dissertation was approved for publication on 2020-04-27 at 13:37.DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #15081 on 2020-08-25 at 17:28:26Made available in DSpace on 2020-08-26T23:57:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3
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Previous issue date: 2020-04-27Embargo set by: Seth Robbins for item 115743
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Reason: Author requested U of Illinois access only (OA after 2yrs) in Vireo ETD systemEmbargo set by: Seth Robbins for item 115743
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Can a developing democracy benefit from labour repression? Evidence from Sri Lanka
No full textWhile a growing body of academic literature casts doubt on the wisdom of authoritarian responses to labour in developing democracies, few empirical studies demonstrate the adverse effects of excluding organised labour from the policy arena or repressing trade unions in the industrial relations arena. This paper draws on the recent history of state-labour relations in Sri Lanka to help fill this gap. Beginning in the late 1970s, the Sri Lankan government adopted a labour-repressive export-oriented strategy of development. The author shows how the repression of private sector unions during this period destroyed the legitimacy of traditional left unions and the structure of institutionalised bargaining that was in place prior to Sri Lanka's authoritarian period. This erosion of the system of institutionalised bargaining eventually led workers to shift their support to more radical, 'new left' unions and culminated in a wave of extreme and violent forms of protest that chased away much needed foreign direct investment. The chaotic consequences of the labour repression suggest two primary conclusions: (a) that prior democratic mobilisation may make labour repression untenable over the long term; and (b) that repression may backfire, creating bursts of highly visible and destabilising protest that undermine the developmental objectives of neoliberal reforms.
Mobilizing Restraint: Economic Reform and the Politics of Industrial Protest in South Asia
No full textThe study draws on evidence from South Asia to explore how union partisan ties condition industrial protest in the context of rapid economic change. It argues that unions controlled by major political parties respond to the economic challenges of the postreform period by facilitating institutionalized grievance resolution and encouraging restraint in the collective bargaining arena. By contrast, politically independent unions and those controlled by small parties are more likely to ratchet up militancy and engage in extreme or violent forms of protest. The difference between the protest behavior of major party unions and other types of unions is explained by the fact that major political parties are encompassing organizations that internalize the externalities associated with the protest of their affiliated unions. Using original survey data from four regions in South Asia, the study shows that party encompassment is a better predictor of worker protest than other features of the affiliated party or the union, including whether the party is in or out of power, the ideological orientation of the party, or the degree of union encompassment. The analysis has implications for the policy debate over whether successful economic reform is contingent upon the political exclusion or repression of organized labor.</jats:p
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