1,720,978 research outputs found
Beyond a politics of integration : tactical cosmopolitanism among Iranian immigrants in Los Angeles
No full textWestern liberal democracies have experienced increased political anxieties vis-à-vis migration, with a rise in anti-immigrant sentiment due to perceptions of immigrants threatening national identity and norms (Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2014). States promote migrant integration, encouraging immigrants to become more “embedded” in their host society’s cultural, social, economic, and political structures, as a diversity management response (Valtonen, 2016). However, recent scholarship has begun to criticize the very notion of ‘immigrant integration’ for upholding neocolonial power, maintaining purified notions of class and of race, implicitly characterizing immigrants as ‘objects of problematization’, and creating images of society that demarcate ‘us’ versus ‘them’ (Schinkel, 2017). On a pragmatic level, policies under the integration umbrella have been argued to fail to address the nature of ‘superdiversity,’ which encompasses an increased number of new, multiple-origin, transnationally connected, socio-economically differentiated and legally stratified immigrants. Thus, we are presented with a tension between the necessary normative criticisms of the idea of integration, the limited analytical utility of integration in a superdiverse society, and the tangible and often material benefits of integration. How can we reconceptualize the politics of integration in an era of super-diversity? I argue that by placing an emphasis on entering the ‘mainstream,’ scholars miss an important dimension of immigrant social mobility that involves not ‘bridging’ into the mainstream, but instead participating in a host society through ways that transcend a national demarcation. Through an assessment of Iranian immigrants in Los Angeles, I demonstrate how Landau and Freemantle’s concept of ‘tactical cosmopolitanism’ serves as a reconciliation between these divides on the benefits of integration and its necessary criticisms. Iranian immigrants in Los Angeles choose not to mainstream their identity with a host society. Rather, they practice social mobility in ways that do not constitute traditional bridging—demonstrated by tactical cosmopolitanism—while nonetheless reaping the benefits of ‘integration.’Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
'Emigrant-unfriendly' states : explaining why India has a low emigration rate
No full textWhat explains India’s low emigration rate despite it being one of the world’s largest migrant-sending states? This thesis argues that existing scholarship has overlooked the actions of sending states when it comes to migration control and as a result, has missed the construction of what I term as ‘emigrant-unfriendly’ states, particularly among liberal democracies. Despite being the leading country of origin for international migrants, India has a strikingly low emigration rate compared to its neighbours in South Asia and other developing democracies with large populations. In this thesis, I argue that the low rate is the result of restrictive policy. Focusing on economically driven emigration, I hypothesize that the key variable that best explains the path of restrictive emigration policy in India is the post-independence adoption of Nehru’s anti-imperial and regulatory foreign policies that differentiated between emigrants of varying skill levels. To test this argument, I employ process-tracing to determine whether India’s post-independence institutions continue to play a role in restricting emigration from India. I look at three empirical cases as critical junctures for India’s emigration history, namely, the policy making period in 1947 immediately after independence, the Oil Boom in the 1970s, and the Tech Boom in the 1990s and early 2000s. I test my hypothesis against an alternative hypothesis which is that India’s low emigration rate can be explained by government actors restricting emigration due to its negative domestic economic implications. This thesis concludes that policy decisions made and institutions established at the time of India’s independence have persisted and continue to hinder pro-emigration policy reform, resulting in India having one of the lowest emigration rates of any developing state in the world today.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Populist memory politics and partisan immigration agendas in contemporary Germany
No full textWhile both research on rising European anti-immigration parties and memory politics have vastly expanded in the last decades, the connection between the two has been widely neglected. To bridge this gap, this thesis studies the relationship between historic narratives and society's advocated boundaries by populist right-wing parties (PRPs). Utilizing the concepts of memory politics and Schinkel's conceptualization of imagined societies, this thesis analyzes the 2021 party manifesto of the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany (AfD). The analysis is structured by the following three questions: 1) Is German society portrayed as a historical one? 2) What historic moments are chosen as crucial for defining such a historic society? 3) How does the party's historic society narrative relate to its immigration agenda? Through a both inductive and deductive critical discourse analysis of the 2021 party manifesto, it argues that the AfD's anti-immigration position builds on the party's professed duty to protect German historic society by protecting the country's cultural and geographical boundaries. In the second part, this thesis explores the usefulness of the framework when applied to parties beyond the far-right political spectrum. Given the scope of the thesis, it chooses the left-wing populist party DIE LINKE. The findings indicate that the left-wing party shows a different challenge than the right: Namely, an ideological approach to German historical identity and immigration, lacking a true acknowledgement of immigrant history in Germany.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Secularism or nationalism? : partisan differences in Québec's Bill 21 debate
No full textIn 2018, the government of the province of Québec put forward and passed Bill 21, An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State, which proposed, among other measures, to ban public servants from wearing religious symbols at work. While ostensibly seeking to further secularism in the province, an analysis of the legislative debates makes it clear that the main question at issue was one of nationalism rather than secularism. Further, parties’ voting patterns were not split according to the more classic Québec party divisions of left-right economic positioning and stance on separatism. This thesis puts forward an analysis of the legislative debates surrounding Bill 21, using qualitative coding and textual analysis to determine party priorities in presenting opposition or support for the bill to the public in a highly mediatized debate.
While each party puts forward a distinct narrative of what it means to belong in the Québec nation in these debates, party positioning on Bill 21 can be explained by speakers’ positioning on a plural-monist axis related to questions of nationalism, intersecting with normative ideals of how restrictive or inclusive the idea of the nation should be. This finding has interesting implications for the study of integration measures in other subnational states—notably, that understandings of nationhood, and who should be included in it, may prove more influential in shaping integration policy than other traditional party markers, such as economic left-right positioning or positioning on questions of separatism.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Climate change and the shifting cost-benefit calculus of economic development in the Russian Far East and High Arctic
No full textRussia’s northern geography is being transformed by climate change. Concurrently, the Russian
state is investing significant resources in its northern lands and is encouraging a large migration to
populate its Far East and High Arctic for the purposes of settlement and development. While the
Russian state has historically championed land use as a crucial aspect of the country’s economy,
geopolitical power, and national security, little scholarship has attempted to analyze how the
Russian state’s interests in its northern regions are changing as climate change alters key features
of this territory. This paper posits that cost-benefit analysis (CBA) offers a useful approach through
which to understand the state’s shifting relationship to its northern regions. The paper argues that
climate change is altering the cost-benefit calculus of economic development in the Russian Far
East and High Arctic, where it is increasing benefits and reducing costs for the state. This approach
has explanatory power both in regards to the Russian state’s historical relationship with these
regions as well as the state’s re-engagement with these spaces in recent years.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Locating indigeneity in migration studies : where do Métis people fit into indigenous mobility narratives?
No full textMigration and mobility narratives are beginning to approach political thought from a decolonized perspective that seeks to disrupt and unsettle sedimented ideas of land and borders within law, politics, and academia. This paper identifies these advances in mobility and migration narratives, analyzing and connecting large themes revealed in a broad perspective of Indigenous-minded
scholarly works while expanding understandings of these narratives to consider the contributions and implications of Métis narratives. I argue that, given the increase of discussions surrounding who and where is Métis, it is critical to begin locating space for Métis narratives within migration and mobility narratives as it reveals the complications of land reclamation with settler
colonial structures of governance that may be detrimental to the sovereignty and identity of Métis peoples in Canada. Utilizing a framework that distinguishes between settler, First Nations, and Métis contributions to migration and mobility narratives, this paper advances understandings
of mobility by firstly locating three overarching migration-mobility themes in Indigenous-minded literature. The first theme locates and solidifies the important connection between sovereignty, land, and migration within Indigenous literature. The second theme recognizes how Indigenous narratives unsettle ideas of borders and migration. The third theme recognizes the nuances of the citizenship regime as it impacts Indigenous identity. After identifying and solidifying these three themes amongst broader, Indigenous scholarship, this paper moves into a discussion which advocates for the expansion of migration and mobility narratives towards the contributions of Métis people through struggles for identity in the Canadian nation state which ultimately have an impact on migration and mobility narratives. This paper asserts this argument by utilizing the previously located themes to analyze Métis connections to the field of migration, noting that Métis narratives should be considered in discussions about migration and mobility as legislation surrounding their identity ultimately impacts their mobility within the framework of migration. The location of Métis spaces amongst the dialectic of migration and mobility narratives opens up new pathways for understanding the location of Indigenous voices and scholarship within the field.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Mainstreaming the labour market integration of immigrants in the EU : policy framework and policy impact
No full textMy dissertation examines a recent policy trend in immigrant integration:
‘mainstreaming’, an effort to promote equality between immigrants and EU nationals in generic
policy domains such as education, housing, and employment through strategies that address the
needs of the population at large. Despite its prominence as a policy approach within the
European Union, there is little cross-national comparative work on policy mainstreaming. My
dissertation seeks to fill this gap by addressing cross-country variation in the mainstreaming of
labour market support, and its impact on the labour market integration of immigrants. I develop a
Policy Index of Mainstreaming in Labour Market Support that covers data from 2006 to 2016
across 25 EU/EEA countries. The MLMS Index is the first of its kind to categorize diversity in
mainstreamed employment support policy. It measures the scope of mainstreaming and the level
of access to mainstreamed policies for various groups of immigrants.
I argue that due to its focus on equality, policy mainstreaming in labour market support
enhances the convergence between immigrants and EU nationals with reference to employment
outcomes and it improves, on average, career prospects for immigrants. Under more robust levels
of mainstreaming, the link between immigrant status and labour market performance is
reinforced and higher policy exposure is likely to lead to better employment outcomes.
I use multilevel Bayesian regression analysis in combination with single-level logistic
regression and cross-tabulation analysis to test the policy effects on the employment outcomes of
immigrants in the EU. Individual-level data are drawn from the European Union Labour Force
Survey. Country-level data are drawn from my Index of Mainstreaming in Labour Market
Support, the CIVIX, the OECD and Eurostat.
My research allows for an exploration of how mainstreamed labour market integration
policies vary over time and place. Next, my work offers new insights into whether
mainstreaming is an effective policy strategy. Finally, the dissertation joins a small but growing
literature that uses multilevel regression analysis to test integration policy effects. I consider
policy context as a community characteristic, which implies that analysis of the impact of
mainstreaming should rely on both individual-level and country-level attributes.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Discrimination in post-World War II naturalization policy : France and Switzerland
No full textWith the rise of anti-immigrant populist parties and anti-immigration mobilization across Western states, the topic of discrimination in liberal democracies’ membership regimes has received renewed interest. With a focus on two understudied policies that constitute the cornerstones of France’s and Switzerland’s contemporary nationality regimes (the French Nationality Code of 1945, which is still in force today, and the Law on the Acquisition and Loss of Swiss Nationality of 1952, which was repealed in 2018), my dissertation investigates patterns of discrimination in liberal democracies’ naturalization policies after World War II and policy makers’ motivations for naturalization policy change. Through a discourse analysis of hundreds of archival documents, my research reveals the central role of group-based exclusion in the postwar naturalization policies of France and Switzerland. Both policies maintained and introduced discriminatory naturalization requirements on the basis of ascriptive characteristics (gender in both countries, and country of origin and health status in France). The two pieces of legislation also provided for the granting of differential rights to citizens based on gender (in both countries) and one’s mode of nationality acquisition (in France). Furthermore, my analysis shows that policy makers’ support for principles usually associated with political liberalism (i.e., universalism, state neutrality, and equality before the law) only played a small role, if any, in the development and adoption of new naturalization policies after World War II. In France, the adoption of new naturalization provisions was driven by post-Vichy society’s pressing need to respond to the country’s demographic and economic challenges after the war, as well as by concerns about national identity. In Switzerland, the adoption of stricter naturalization requirements resulted from policy makers’ desire to strengthen national identity and from the associated instrumentalization of alarmist discourses about “foreign overpopulation.” My dissertation contributes to the literature on the persistence of group bias in rules of nationality acquisition by deepening our understanding of the role that discrimination has historically played in the development and consolidation of liberal citizenship. It also highlights the overarching importance of gender when it comes to the differential treatment of applicants to naturalization and citizens.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
Context does matter : exploring the influence of moral exculpation in attitudes towards undocumented Mexican migration in Canada
No full textThis thesis examines the role of moral exculpation—a rationale that absolves blame through moral considerations and judgments—in shaping Canadians’ attitudes toward the irregular migration of Mexicans to Canada. The primary aim of this study is to assess whether moral justifications can foster more favorable and permissive attitudes toward this type of migration when the public is exposed to narratives highlighting the economic hardships and violence that compel Mexican migrants to leave their country.
To investigate this, the study employs a quantitative survey methodology, engaging 808 respondents who were randomly assigned to three groups: a control group, Treatment 1, and Treatment 2. The study tests two central hypotheses: first, that exposure to a migrant’s personal story can lead to more positive opinions; second, that when individuals are informed of the challenges and adverse conditions faced by migrants, their attitudes will become more permissive. In Treatment 1, participants received a vignette describing a migrant’s departure from Mexico without any moral exculpatory context. In contrast, Treatment 2 included elements suggesting the migrant was forced to leave due to violence or economic hardship.
The results indicate a statistically significant increase in favorability among respondents in Treatment 2, supporting the hypothesis that moral considerations can challenge negative perceptions and promote more accepting attitudes toward undocumented migration. These findings contribute to the literature on migration and public opinion by demonstrating the power of moral exculpation to shift public attitudes on highly politicized issues such as irregular migration. The study highlights the importance of moral judgments in influencing public perceptions and suggests that emphasizing the humanitarian challenges migrants face may lead to more favorable attitudes and potentially inform policy debates.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat
The influence of higher education on immigration policy in Canada
No full textThe number of international students with a valid study permit in Canada has more than tripled since 1998 to 827,586 in 2019. Once described as a laggard, Canada is now an industry leader in international student recruitment. Federal government investment and policy change in visa processing, temporary work authorizations and immigration pathways for international student graduates have facilitated year over year increases in international student enrolments since the mid-2000s. These changes are in stark contrast to international student immigration policy only twenty years prior but little research exists to explain this major policy shift. The literature that does exist hypothesizes that policy change is prompted by competitive policy diffusion in which Canada considered the policies of other countries to create their own for competitive advantage. I argue this explanation is incomplete and does not account for the internal special interest lobbying taking place by the higher education sector. Through an outcomes-based process tracing approach I establish that higher education institutions and their associations did not respond to government policy change, but instead lobbied government for changes to temporary and permanent immigration. This research provides a detailed within case account of the chronology of policy change using lobbying records, media and document analysis and elite interviews to develop a series of causal process observations. Policy influence or success is then determined using the degree of preference attainment methodology that compares policy preferences of special interests with policy outcomes and contributes to the understanding of interest group theory. The results highlight the cross- jurisdictional and inter-departmental challenges both between the provinces and the federal government and across federal departments. Higher education sector leaders navigated this jurisdictional logjam by looking for government allies and creating a coalition to advance their interests. As increasing numbers of international students graduate with work authorization and an aspiration to immigrate to Canada permanently, there is a question about the evolving role of higher education institutions in the migration pathway in terms of becoming a de facto portal for migration and as a migration hub along the responsibilities that come with it.Graduate and Postdoctoral StudiesGraduat
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