1,721,163 research outputs found
Leadership without authority: Iain Duncan Smith as leader of the Conservative Party
No full textThis chapter analyses the tenure of Iain Duncan Smith as leader of the Conservative Party in opposition between September 2001 and October 2003. It argues that his leadership was fatally undermined by a lack of authority within his own party. This problem was derived in part from the manner of his election, during which he received the explicit endorsement of less than a third of his parliamentary colleagues, but flowed more fundamentally from his limitations as a political leader.
Duncan Smith’s leadership weaknesses are considered in relation to three main themes. Firstly, he was an ineffectual public communicator. As leader of the opposition he had three main audiences to address: the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP), the wider party (i.e. the membership), and the electorate. In each case he failed to connect successfully, making little impact with the general public and losing the confidence of his parliamentary colleagues and, eventually, the party members whose votes had installed him as leader. Secondly, his leadership was plagued with party management problems, and as the chapter explores, many of these were self-inflicted and eminently avoidable. Thirdly, the chapter suggest that Duncan Smith’s personality was ill-suited to the role of leader of the opposition, as his handling of moments of crisis demonstrates the difficulties he experienced coping with the pressures of leadership
Letter from Duncan Smith to John Sloan, November 1, 1933
No full text1 leaf (single sided)Letter from Duncan Smith to John Sloan, November 1, 193
Letter from Duncan Smith to John Sloan, September 15, 1933
No full text2 leaves (single sided)Letter from Duncan Smith to John Sloan, September 15, 193
Report on Video Workshop run at Sèvres
No full textDuncan-Smith Bruce. Report on Video Workshop run at Sèvres. In: Cahiers de l'APLIUT, volume 3, numéro 2, 1983. Actes du Ve Congrès – Mai 1983 : l’évaluation. pp. 42-47
Microchips - Worksheets and Exercices
No full textDuncan-Smith Bruce. Microchips - Worksheets and Exercices. In: Cahiers de l'APLIUT, volume 1, numéro 2, 1981. pp. 67-74
"Kate Duncan Smith D.A.R. School Near Grant, Alabama."
No full text"The Kate Duncan Smith D.A.R. School, Grant, Alabama, was established in 1924 by the Alabama Society D.A.R. From a small two teacher school it has grown until today its campus embraces 238 acres, 120 in the School Farm. There are 24 buildings and a student body of 600. This school, owned and controlled by the Daughters of the American Revolution, represents an investment of approximately 3/4 million dollars.
Not everyone is on the internet, Iain Duncan Smith
No full textExplores the impact of the possible introduction of the universal credit system and the impact it will have for those who do not have access to the internet
The end of an era? : the resignation of Iain Duncan Smith, Conservatism and social security benefits for disabled people
No full textIain Duncan Smith resigned as the UK?s Secretary of State for Work and Pensions in March 2016. While not invisible from the debate following his resignation, the fact that changes to social security policy for disabled people were central to Duncan Smith?s time as Secretary of State and central to his (at least public) reasons for resignation was lost in a focus on the internal machinations of the UK?s Conservative Party. In this short article, Duncan Smith's resignation is used to examine the location of additional cost social security benefits for disabled people in Conservative thinking in contemporary Britain
The Parliamentary Conservative Party: The leadership elections of William Hague and Iain Duncan Smith
No full textThe aim of this research is to investigate the post1997 Parliamentary Conservative Party, with
particular attention placed upon the Conservative Party leadership election of 1997 and 2001.
The thesis uses these two leadership elections as a lens which can be utilised to focus upon and
analyse the ideological disputations of contemporary British Conservatism. This is done by
identifying the voting behaviour of Conservative parliamentarians in the two leadership elections
and then by putting forwards a systemic explanation of the candidates’ support. Three sets of
variables are tested. First, the thesis analyses socio-economic variables (i.e. the occupational and
educational background of conservative parliamentarians). Second, the research considers the
candidates’ support in relation to electoral and political variables (i.e. electoral vulnerability,
political insider / outsider status, age and experience). Finally the research will evaluate the
candidates’ support with regard to the ideological disposition of the candidates and their
supporters. This requires an extensive exploration of the attitudes of Conservative
parliamentarians with regard to the dominant ideological divides within contemporary post-
Thatcherite Conservatism – economic policy (wet / dry), European policy (europhile /
eurosceptic), and social, sexual and moral attitudes (social liberalism / social conservatism). By
analysing the patterns of voting in relation to social background, political attributes and
ideological disposition the thesis locates and interprets the differing motivational influences on
voting behaviour.
The thesis argues the ideological disposition of the candidates and their supporters was the
crucial factor in both the leadership elections. The final round of the 1997 leadership election
was a straight ideological battle between the europhile and eurosceptic wings of the
parliamentary Conservative Party. This benefited the eurosceptic William Hague at the expense
of the europhile Kenneth Clarke. In 2001 both Clarke and Portillo attracted support from across
the ideological spectrum of the parliamentary party, suggesting that a section of the
parliamentary party had moved away from ideologically driven voting behaviour. However, Iain
Duncan Smith reaching the final ballot was due to the support of an ideologically cohesive group
of traditional Thatcherite MPs and indicative of the continued significance of ideology on the
direction of the Conservative party
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