1,720,997 research outputs found

    In memoriam Viviane Alleton

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    Djamouri Redouane. In memoriam Viviane Alleton. In: Études chinoises, vol. 37, n°2,2018. pp. 15-26

    Lefeuvre (Jean) : Collections d'inscriptions oraculaires en France.

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    Djamouri Redouane. Lefeuvre (Jean) : Collections d'inscriptions oraculaires en France.. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 16 1, 1987. pp. 163-167

    Legrand Jacques : Parlons Mongol

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    Djamouri Redouane. Legrand Jacques : Parlons Mongol. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 28 2, 1999. pp. 253-258

    Françoise Bottéro : Sémantisme et classification dans l'écriture chinoise. Les systèmes de classement des caractères par clés du Shuowen jiezi au Kangxi zidian.

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    Djamouri Redouane. Françoise Bottéro : Sémantisme et classification dans l'écriture chinoise. Les systèmes de classement des caractères par clés du Shuowen jiezi au Kangxi zidian.. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 27 2, 1998. pp. 229-247

    Pulleyblank, Edwin G. : Outline of Classical Chinese grammar

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    Djamouri Redouane. Pulleyblank, Edwin G. : Outline of Classical Chinese grammar. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 25 2, 1996. pp. 289-298

    Lefeuvre JeanA.: Several collections of oracular inscriptions in Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium

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    Djamouri Redouane. Lefeuvre JeanA.: Several collections of oracular inscriptions in Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 27 1, 1998. pp. 125-132

    Particules de négation dans les inscriptions sur bronze de la dynastie des Zhou

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    This article is devoted to a semantico-syntactic analysis of the use of seven markers of negation in Early Archaic Chinese, especially in the Zhou bronze inscriptions. The negative BU yft which is used with intransitive verbal predicates or with adjectives, establishes a descriptive relationship between the subject and the predicate in its clause; it only shows a simple descriptive intention and takes an integral part in the presupposition. The negative marker FU pisfullyadverbialandisused,essentially,withtransitiveverbs.ThemarkerFEIf=,establishesanattributive,descriptiverelationshipbetweenthetwotermsofthepredicationinsidetheclausejustasdoesBU;butitintroducesapolemicvalueinexpressingthefalsityofapresupposition.ThemarkerWU2g? ,incontrastwithWU1nj),doesnotcomeunderthecategoryofadeonticmodality.Theobligationwhichitshowsdoesnotcomefromthespeaker(orfromanyothersource)butisinternaltothesubjectpredicaterelationship.Thenegationinthiscaseistobetakenasastatementoffactandnotasaninjunction.However,accordingtotheobservationshere,WU2£jhreferstotheepistemicmodalcategory.Thatwhyitcanexpressthedoublevalueofboth"certainty"and"necessity"accordingtothecontext.ThenegativeWANG£ (thenegativecounterpartofYOU ift"existence"or"possession")isusedtoexpressthepossessionofdependence.Inaddition,becauseofitsexistentialvalue,itallowsforpresentingcertaintermsinbotharestrictiveandanextensivesense.FinallyWU3p is fully adverbial and is used, essentially, with transitive verbs. The marker FEI *f |= , establishes an attributive, descriptive relationship between the two terms of the predication inside the clause just as does BU; but it introduces a polemic value in expressing the falsity of a presupposition. The marker WU2 -g?~ , in contrast with WU1 nj) , does not come under the category of a deontic modality. The obligation which it shows does not come from the speaker (or from any other source) but is internal to the subject-predicate relationship. The negation in this case is to be taken as a statement of fact and not as an injunction. However, according to the observations here, WU2 -£jh refers to the epistemic modal category. That why it can express the double value of both "certainty" and "necessity" according to the context. The negative WANG -£~ (the negative counterpart of YOU~ift "existence" or "possession") is used to express the possession of dependence. In addition, because of its existential value, it allows for presenting certain terms in both a restrictive and an extensive sense. Finally WU3 -fr~ is most often attached to a substantive and forms thus a marginal expansion (in a syntactically dependent position) serving to characterize a nominal phrase, a verbal phrase, or an entire clause.Djamouri Redouane. Particules de négation dans les inscriptions sur bronze de la dynastie des Zhou. In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 20 1, 1991. pp. 5-76

    Causative and Applicative in Tangwang

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    In various Northwestern Chinese dialects, the verb 给 ki has been historically reanalyzed into several verbal suffixes with separate meanings and functions. It is notably the case in Tangwang, a dialect spoken in the Hezhou area in the Gansu province, where, besides the verb 给 ki ‘to give’, we also find attached to the verb the derivational suffixes ki with causative, factitive, injunctive or applicative functions. The aim of this paper is to bring some semantic and distributional criteria which can enable us to clearly distinguish and establish a diachronic hierarchy between these different functions. Furthermore, it will be argued for a distinction between a thematic applicative ki introducing an additional argument (benefactive, locative, instrumental etc.), and an expletive applicative ki introducing no additional argument but contributing to better characterize the thematic role of the indirect object in double object construction
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