1,721,014 research outputs found
How is devolution changing post-EU?
Full text linkJohn Denham's response to The Scottish Parliament's Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee inquiry into how devolution is changing post-EU
A New Progressive Patriotism.
Full text linkThe need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose
Poems and translations : ; with the Sophy, a tragedy
No full textwritten by the Honourable Sir John Denham, knight of The Bat
Reflection: England and the politics of patriotism
No full textAssesses the significant role played by English identity and English interests in the 2015 General Election campaig
Mind the Values Gap
No full textMinds the Values Gap, a report published by The UK in a Changing Europe, highlights the poor alignment of the values expressed within the major parties by their MPs and their activists, with those voters who support them. Voters as a whole tend to the left on economic values, and to the authoritarian on social values. Although the data imply that it is the social authoritarianism that defines both Leave voters and Labour–Conservative switchers, this response argues that issues of national identity, democracy and sovereignty are neglected in that analysis
Falling short? English Devolution Policy, OECD evidence and constitutional change
No full textThe Labour Government’s English Devolution Policy (EDP) as set out in the English Devolution White Paper Power and Partnership: Foundations for Growth (EDWP) and the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill (EDCE Bill) adds further complexity to the already asymmetric devolution settlement across the UK. Here, we assess this devolution policy against two key objectives set by the EDWP. First it claims to create a long-term constitutional settlement for England which will address the constitutional gap in sub-national delegation apparent since the 1998 UK devolution settlement. Second, the government objective is for growth, as set out in the Prime Minister’s Growth Mission and Plan for Change. To achieve both objectives, the EDWP purports to rely on evidence from the OECD on the conditions within which sub-national territories can achieve growth and contribute to national GDP. The article examines how far the proposed reforms of sub-national government in England Devolution Policy actually reflect the evidence of the OECD research. It finds the EDP only partially reflects OECD guidance, suggesting that the impact of EDP on both democratic and economic objectives will be limited
Centralised by design: anglocentric constitutionalism, accountability and the failure of English devolution
No full textThe Labour manifesto in this year's election implied a radical restructuring of the UK state, the way in which England is governed and in relations across the United Kingdom. The aim of making English devolution the ‘default option’ is set against fifty years of unsuccessful and partial devolution initiatives which have failed to reverse the accretion of power in the central UK state. Centralisation can be seen as the consequence of an Anglocentric constitutionalism which vests power in the centre, underpins England's fragmented departmental governance and where accountability mechanisms flow to HM Treasury. Labour's success will reflect its willingness to challenge these constitutional assumptions, which are deeply embedded in the culture, practice and structures of Westminster and Whitehall. Successful devolution will require breaking the chains of accountability that tie local spending decisions to the centre and placing devolved English local government on a stronger constitutional basis
Trailblazer devolution deals: he next oxymoron in the policy litany of sub-national governance in England?
No full textHere, we examine the continuing UK centralising trend for local government in England and the effects of changing accountabilities through the pathway of devolution narratives. We set out the key characteristics of policy change since 1992 and then analyse the most recently announced model Trailblazer Devolution Deals (TDD) single settlements for Mayoral Combined Authorities announced in the UK Budget 2023. We consider how far these TDD confer more devolution on CAs through the proposed creation of a single settlement for an integrated budget within the context of two previous government initiatives that were focused on the same approach, Government Offices for the Regions (GoRs) (1994–2010) and Total Place (2009–2011). We consider what occurred in practice and reflect on their demise as examples of institutions established by the UK government’s approach to transitional territorialism. We conclude with the view that these initiatives represent devolution in name only (DINO).</p
England’s world: UK foreign policy in a multi-nation state
No full textUK foreign policy is the product of the politics of a multi-nation state. Because of its size, politics and position in the constitutional imagination of UK decision makers, England dominates policy-making. Brexit showed how that domination can cause difficulties and tensions within the UK when a foreign policy issue becomes a domestic issue where English opinion is at odds with other parts of the UK. Despite this, analysis of English views and influence over the UK’s foreign policy remains under-developed. In this article, we outline the mechanisms by which England dominates UK foreign policy and how foreign policy issues can become domestic electoral issues, as happened with Brexit. We examine polling of the views of voters in England and Scotland to identify potential areas of disagreement. We show that while the English and Scottish do not hold profoundly different world views, there are some foreign policy issues that could be mobilised as domestic electoral issues causing division and tensions for the UK
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