91 research outputs found
Cultural Encounters: a Linguistic Study of EFL Arab Learners Encoding and Decoding Idioms
No full textIdioms are universal to all languages, and figurative language ispervasive in everyday discourse. However, idiom studies rarelytouch on the problems figurative language can present to nonnative speakers. This book sets out to provide an original analysisof the issue, focusing on a number of languages, including Arabic,Berber, French and English. The author addresses the questionof idiomaticity from linguistic, psycholinguistic and pedagogicalperspectives, highlighting in particular the strategies used byArab learners (primarily Saudis and Algerians) to decode andencode idioms.The book explores in detail the process of identifying idiomsand the factors that affect comprehension. The author alsoanalyses the current state of bilingual Arabic–English–Arabicdictionaries and asks to what extent learners can rely on themas a source for decoding idioms
Cultural Encounters: a Linguistic Study of EFL Arab Learners Encoding and Decoding Idioms
No full textIdioms are universal to all languages, and figurative language ispervasive in everyday discourse. However, idiom studies rarelytouch on the problems figurative language can present to nonnative speakers. This book sets out to provide an original analysisof the issue, focusing on a number of languages, including Arabic,Berber, French and English. The author addresses the questionof idiomaticity from linguistic, psycholinguistic and pedagogicalperspectives, highlighting in particular the strategies used byArab learners (primarily Saudis and Algerians) to decode andencode idioms.The book explores in detail the process of identifying idiomsand the factors that affect comprehension. The author alsoanalyses the current state of bilingual Arabic–English–Arabicdictionaries and asks to what extent learners can rely on themas a source for decoding idioms
Multilingualism in Algeria: between ‘Soft Power’, ‘Arabisation’, ‘Islamisation’, and ‘Globalisation’
Get PDFThe language question in Algeria is far from a straightforward case and its complexity and multiplicity make it an original case to study due to the diversity of languages, its language politics in both the colonial and the postcolonial eras, and its tight relationship to different ideological movements, which still affect issues related to identity, religion and ethnicity. The distinction between the colonial and the postcolonial eras is a necessary step to understand the layers of complexity of its language policies and provide a context which helps explain the relationship between language politics and ‘soft power’, as theorised by Nye. It also provides a timeframe for when one can start talking about ‘soft power’, in contrast to ‘hard power’ where the coloniser imposed its language by force (what is known as the Frenchification project). The article seeks firstly to challenge the Arabisation project in relation to Algeria and presents its close relationship to the Islamisation of the country through soft power practices. Secondly, it questions the traditional linguistic dichotomy between Classical Arabic and dialects by adding to them a new language variety, which appeared as a result of soft power through cultural globalisation. The concept is developed further to highlight the emergence of a ‘new literary genre’ which also challenges traditional discourses, linguistic rules and literary canons
Narrating and Translating Sexual Violence at Wartime in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region)
No full textAlgerian Civil War
No full textSummaryWhile the literature on the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) is extensive, studies on the armed conflict between the Algerian military and the armed Islamic groups, which cost the lives of more than 200,000 remain insignificant. The complex intersections between the political, social, and economic factors leading to the war in the 1990s show that the critical junctures began after independence in 1962. These junctures continued through the 1970s (Arabization movement) and 1980s (1988 Berber Spring), which together can help in contextualizing the Algerian Civil War. These different periods reveal the history of the National Liberation Front (FLN) as a one-party rule and contextualize its historical strong relationship with the Algerian National Army, revealing the power dynamics between the two and the roots of the struggle over the country’s sovereignty. Furthermore, the 1980s were marked by the youth riots in 1988 (Berber Spring) and their crucial role in what president Chadli Benjedid presented as a political reform program, including a new constitution, which ended the political monopoly of the FLN and saw the emergence of more than thirty new political parties. In January 1992, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) overwhelmingly won the municipal elections, with a much larger number of votes than the ruling FLN in the first round. However, instead of accepting the Islamists’ victory, the military promptly stepped in and cancelled parliamentary elections, banned the FIS, and arrested its leaders. After President Mohamed Boudiaf’s assassination, the government imposed a national state of emergency and used a combination of strategies including economic reforms as well tough laws to repress the Islamic armed groups and control the situation. The idea that the armed Islamic groups started after the official ban of the FIS has been contested. Two parallel strategies were adopted by the successive governments of the 1990s: one was based on the repression of the FIS, who in turn retaliated with car bombs and assassinations of women, intellectuals, police, and military forces; and the other was based on the introduction of social and economic reforms. The country went into cycles of extreme violence for more than a decade, in which the negotiations between the Islamists and the military were not interrupted. President Liamine Zaroual’s amnesty initiative, Rahma, was unsuccessful, yet it was the basis upon which his successor, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, proposed his project of amnesty, known as the Civil Concord, in 1999, later replaced by the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation in 2005. Bouteflika resigned on April 2, 2019, after months of mass protest called the Revolution of Smiles, which started on February 22, 2019, against his candidacy to the presidency for a fifth mandate
Globalization, Computer-mediated Communications and the Rise of e-Arabic
No full textAbstractThis article highlights an as yet overlooked consequence of the expansion of computer-mediated communication in the Arab world, the emergence and extensive use of a new language (e-Arabic). This is a language that mixes, borrows and adapts, uses numbers, Roman letters, Arabic script characters, emotions and words from other languages (English and French) to engage not only with the globalized discourse, but also to examine the specific ways in which the local frames the global. Using an analysis of the language used in e-literature (novels) such as Nessyane Com (2009), 'Ayza atgawiz (2008) and Banat al-Riyadh (2005), this article explores whether globalization processes have changed modern standard Arabic (MSA) and colloquial Arabic at the level of the single word, compound and phrase levels, while also examining the metaphorical language that has emerged.
</jats:sec
Narrating and Translating Sexual Violence at Wartime in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region)
No full textNarrating and Translating Sexual Violence at Wartime in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region)
No full text
Idiom-solving strategies with particular reference to bilingual dictionaries English-Arabic-English
No full textEThOS - Electronic Theses Online ServiceGBUnited Kingdo
- …
