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White youth: the Far Right, Punk and British youth culture
Full text link‘White Youth’ recovers and explains the relationship between far-right organisations and British youth culture in the period between 1977 and 1987. In particular, it concentrates on the cultural spaces opened up by punk and the attempts made by the National Front and British Movement to claim them as conduits for racist and/or ultra-nationalist politics. The article is built on an
empirical basis, using archival material and a historical methodology chosen to develop a history ‘from below’ that takes due consideration of the socio-economic and political forces that inform its wider context. Its focus is designed to map shifting cultural and political influences across the far right, assessing the extent to
which extremist organisations proved able to adopt or utilise youth cultural practice as a means of recruitment and communication. Today the British far right is in political and organisational disarray. Nonetheless, residues tied to the cultural initiatives devised in the 1970s–80s remain, be they stylistic, nostalgic or points of connection forged to connect a transnational music scene
Meeting the Challenge of Contemporary British Fascism? The Labour Party’s Response to the National Front and the British National Party
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'Every time they made a communist, they made a fascist': the Labour Party and popular anti-fascism in the 1930s
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From direct action to community action: The changing dynamics of anti-fascist opposition
No full textRadical Diasporic Anti-Fascism in the 1920s:Italian anarchists in the English-speaking world
No full textSustaining a mortal blow? The British National Party and the 2010 general and local elections
No full textIn this article Nigel Copsey explores the British National Party's 2010 general and local election campaign and the political responses to it in two key BNP target constituencies (Barking and Stoke-on-Trent Central). As he shows, despite fractious legal action brought against the party by the Equalities and Human Rights Commission, and a negligent attitude towards local activity, the BNP had approached the 2010 general and local elections in confident mood. In the biggest electoral push by an extreme-right party in British history, the BNP stood a record 338 parliamentary candidates, and no fewer than 739 local election candidates. Nick Griffin promised a major electoral breakthrough with the party expecting to make a serious challenge for the Barking parliamentary seat and to emerge as the largest single party on Barking and Dagenham council. When the results of the elections were announced, contemporary opinion had it that the BNP had taken a hammer blow, and was smashed into electoral oblivion. As Copsey reveals, the BNP was in part the author of its own electoral misfortune, but a resurgent Labour vote and a sophisticated anti-fascist campaign that created space for Labour to reconnect with its constituency were other key factors. Even though the 2010 general election was the party's best ever, the BNP sustained a major blow to its expectations. The results were a bitter pill for party members to swallow and the fortunes of Britain's leading extreme-right party have continued on a downward slide since
Debate: Donald Trump and Fascism Studies:edited by Paul Jackson
No full textSince coming to prominence, Donald Trump’s politics has regularly been likened to fascism. Many experts within fascism studies have tried to engage with wider media and political debates on the relevance (or otherwise) of such comparisons. In the debate ‘Donald Trump and Fascism Studies’ we have invited leading academics with connections to the journal and those who are familiar with debates within fascism studies, to offer thoughts on how to consider the complex relationship between fascism, the politics of Donald Trump, and the wider maga movement. Contributors to this debat are: Mattias Gardell, Ruth Wodak, Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, David Renton, Nigel Copsey, Raul Cârstocea, Maria Bucur, Brian Hughes, and Roger Griffin
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