1,721,011 research outputs found
The Hopeless Forecast Under the Gloomy Sky. Crisis of Political Legitimacy and Role of Future Perspective in Hard Times
No full textThis study analyses the extent to which the recent economic crisis influences the political attitudes that are fundamental to legitimacy of a democratic system of government. The article focuses on two questions: how much does crisis exposure affect democratic legitimacy attitudes? And what is the role played by social mobility perspective on this effect? The findings, based on a sample of the Life in Transition Survey II, show that economic crisis exposure significantly affects political legitimacy attitudes. The results confirm that higher crisis exposure is associated with lower legitimacy. Additionally, the present research rules out the possibility that crisis exposure affects attitudes in a specific way, depending on the expected mobility valence. While replicating previous evidence supporting the negative democratic effect of adverse economic changes, the current research sheds light on the critical role that the future perspective plays in determining this effect.<br /
Il Movimento 5 stelle alla prova dell'istituzionalizzazione: una metamorfosi incompiuta?
No full textIl Movimento 5 stelle (M5s), soggetto politico fondato appena nove anni fa, è riuscito a diventare in brevissimo tempo un attore centrale del sistema politico italiano. In questo ridotto lasso di tempo ha innovato codici comunicativi e organizzativi, ha dettato l’agenda rispetto a diversi temi presenti nel dibattito pubblico e ha cambiato la geografia elettorale italiana, catalizzando i sentimenti anti-partitici da tempo presenti nel nostro paese [Morlino e Tarchi 2006; Lupo 2013]. Ma, nel corso del suo primo decennio di vita, il Movimento non è rimasto immobile. Al contrario, molti sono i cambiamenti avvenuti, pur in un quadro di relativa stabilità dei suoi princìpi fondanti. A fronte dello straordinario risultato alle elezioni politiche del 2018 – un aumento del bacino elettorale di quasi due milioni di voti rispetto alle precedenti politiche, dinamica completamente inedita per un partito nuovo alla seconda prova elettorale – vale dunque la pena continuare ad analizzare questo partito, che sembra non essere destinato a scomparire dallo scenario politico italiano.
Il capitolo sarà strutturato come segue. Sullo sfondo dei cambiamenti organizzativi che il Movimento ha sperimentato nel corso degli ultimi anni, nel paragrafo 2 analizzeremo la campagna elettorale del M5s per le elezioni politiche del marzo 2018: gli aspetti comunicativi e strategici, la selezione delle candidature, del programma e della «squadra di governo». Nel paragrafo 3, al fine di contestualizzare il risultato delle ultime elezioni, tracceremo brevemente l’evoluzione storica della natura del Movimento a partire dai suoi risultati elettorali. Nel paragrafo 4 analizzeremo in dettaglio il suo risultato elettorale alle politiche del 4 marzo 2018: la distribuzione territoriale dei consensi (con un focus sui comuni amministrati dal Movimento) e le ragioni del successo. Infine, nel paragrafo conclusivo faremo il punto sulle indicazioni emerse, in relazione anche alle possibili evoluzioni future di questo soggetto politico
Left and right in the age of populism: has the populist zeitgeist permeated citizens’ representation of ideological labels?
No full textThis article explores whether the current populist zeitgeist has changed the social representation of the political labels ‘left’ and ‘right’ in terms of their relevance, understanding and meaning. We merged two post-electoral quota samples of the Italian adult population. The first (N = 1,377) was collected in 2006 by the ITANES research group, the second in 2019 (N = 1,504) for this study. We analysed the relevance of left and right in politics as the frequency with which participants placed themselves on the left–right axis; its understanding as the frequency with which participants answered at least one of two open-ended questions about the meaning of such categories, and the meaning participants gave to left and right in politics through content analysis of their responses to the open-ended questions above. From 2006 to 2019, the relevance and understanding of left and right declined. In terms of meanings, references to the traditional elements of left and right became less common, while references to specific leaders, and the notion of ‘left’ and ‘right’ in politics no longer making sense, became more widespread; moreover, none of the other populist categories significantly changed their frequency. This study expands the scope of the previous research on this topic also by identifying the critical role that political interest plays in the changes on which we have focused. Strengths, limitations and implications of the study are discussed
Periferie sociali e comportamenti di voti nella città di Bologna
No full textThe weakening of traditional parties and of their territorial rooting which has occurred over the last decades has brought back the scholarly interest on the local dynamics, namely, on the social and political transformations involving local areas. An increasing number of scholars has therefore focused on the «peripheries», those urban areas that are traditionally associated with a high level of socio economic distress, wherein inhabitants feel themselves as economically disadvantaged, socially marginalized and politically excluded. This paper is part of such research strand by investigating the variation in the electoral results in three Italian cities—Bologna, Florence, and Rome—in relation to the spatial distance from the urban centre and to the socio-economic distress. More notably, the paper answers two main questions: a) are the most distant areas from the historical centre also those with a higher level of socio-economic distress? b) what kind of relationship is there between voting and socio-economic distress, and how does such relation change over the post-crisis years? To answer these questions, we consider the results of four elections (parliamentary elections 2008, 2013, 2018; European elections 2019) in the three cities investigated, which are similarly characterized by an electoral decline of the Pd (but also of the Pdl/FI) to the benefit of M5s and League (and in part also of FdI), besides being located in central Italy. By using an original dataset combining socio-economic and electoral variables at the district level, the article analyzes the variation in the electoral support for the main Italian political parties, with a particular focus on both mainstream (Pd and PDL/FI) and anti- establishment parties (M5s and League)
Prospettiva subnazionale. Bologna
No full textil capitolo analizza il rapporto tra partecipazione elettoral e dimensione socioterritoriale con riferimento alla città di Bologna. Il periodo elettorale di riferimento è il 2008-201
Periferie urbane e disagio socio-economico: com’è cambiato il voto degli italiani tra il 2008 e il 2018
No full textIl capitolo è strutturato come segue. Nel primo paragrafo offriamo una panoramica delle elezioni politiche nel decennio 2008-2018,
con un’enfasi sui principali mutamenti politico-elettorali intercorsi in questo arco di tempo. Nel secondo paragrafo rispondiamo alla
prima domanda di ricerca, illustrando e discutendo la relazione tra disagio socio-economico e risultati elettorali dei principali partiti
italiani (Pd, Pdl/FI, M5s, Lega) nell’insieme delle 13 città analizzate (Milano, Torino, Genova, Venezia, Bologna, Firenze, Roma, Cagliari, Napoli, Bari, Reggio Calabria, Palermo, Catania). Nel terzo ci occupiamo della seconda domanda, analizzando il rapporto tra risultati elettorali, disagio socio-economico e distanza spaziale. Infine, sintetizziamo i principali dati del nostro studio comparato, evidenziandone gli aspetti peculiari con l’intento di approfondire e problematizzare il dibattito sul rapporto tra marginalità sociale, perifericità spaziale e voto
Bologna
No full textNella città di Bologna è ormai cambiata quella particolare geografia sociale del voto che per molti anni aveva contraddistinto la città felsinea, con un rapporto stretto e strutturato tra i quartieri economicamente più marginali e il consenso per i partiti di centrosinistra. Un rapporto che aveva consentito «alle organizzazioni politiche di ispirazione operaia» radicate in città di svolgere una rilevante funzione perequativa sulla distribuzione della partecipazione politica. Questo capitolo intende esplorare in profondità questa nuova situazione bolognese, esaminando il nuovo rapporto che si è instaurato tra disagio sociale e comportamento elettorale
Household crowding can have political effects : An empirical study on support for anti-democratic political systems during the COVID-19 lockdown in Italy
Full text linkWe analysed some political consequences of household crowding during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown across a wide quota sample of the Italian adult population, stratified as concerns gender, age, level of education, geographical area of residence, and size of area of residence, interviewed before (May–June 2019) and during (April 2020) the lockdown (N = 1,047, 51.2% women, Mage = 50.44, SD = 14.36). Path analysis showed that household crowding during the lockdown was positively associated with support for anti-democratic political systems, through the partial mediation of the perceived relative impact of COVID-19 on one's family and of expectations of future lifestyle restrictions due to the pandemic. These associations did not depend on participants' pre-pandemic socio-economic status and predisposition to strong political leaders. Strengths, limitations, and possible developments of the study are discussed
Lega and Five-star Movement voters: exploring the role of cultural, economic and political bewilderment
Full text linkWe explore the motivations behind the electoral success of the Lega and the Five-star Movement at the 2018 Italian general election. In most of the literature on populism, the success of the new European populist parties is interpreted as stemming from the process of globalisation, which has produced the so-called ‘modernisation losers’: ‘cultural losers’ (people who are disorientated by changes in values, by new waves of migration and by the loss of national sovereignty to the European Union) and ‘economic losers’ (those for whom the globalisation process has meant economic hardship, downward social mobility and occupational uncertainty). It is these ‘modernisation losers’ who are claimed to have voted for the populist parties. To this two-fold theoretical hypothesis, we added another: the rise in populism can be explained by the democratic malaise, and particularly by the crisis of mainstream parties, which have steadily lost their function as a link between the people and politics. We analyse the role of these three antecedents of populism – labelled as cultural, economic and political – drawing on 2018 Italian National Election Studies (ITANES: see www.itanes.org/en) data. Votes for the Lega were motivated by ‘cultural populism’, while those for the Five-star Movement could be ascribed to ‘political populism’, stemming from citizens’ growing mistrust – generalised and latent in Western democracies – of political institutions, activated in Italy by favourable structural conditions and external circumstances
Household crowding during the COVID-19 lockdown fosters anti-democracy even after 17 months: A 5-wave latent growth curve study
Full text linkIn an earlier cross-sectional study, Roccato et al. (2021) showed that household crowding during the COVID-19 lockdown was positively related to support for anti-democratic political systems. However, little is known about the persistence of these effect over time. In this study, we examined its duration in a longitudinal study structured in five waves, the first in May–June 2019 (before the COVID-19 outbreak, N = 1504) and the others during the pandemic, in April 2020 (during the lockdown, N = 1199), October 2020 (N = 1156), April 2021 (N = 1148), and October 2021 (N = 1151). The increase in support for anti-democratic systems associated with household overcrowding in the initial phase of the lockdown (Wave 2) did not change over the subsequent 17 months. Moreover, the effect was stronger among those who had high (compared with low) trust in democratic political institutions before the pandemic. Strengths, limitations, and potential developments of the study are discussed
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