1,721,046 research outputs found
Il rischio e la notte
No full textThe author of this article aims to shed light on the sociological and anthropological meanings of the concept of “risk” with special regards the night-time social life. As a starting hypothesis, author claims that the concept of risk maintains a great esplicatory power, which is extremly helpful to clarify some social contemporary dynamics. A first general proof is the widespread use of the notion of risk in the conteporary debates. As a matter of fact, the diffusion and the persistence in the use of expressions such as “risky situation”, “pleasure of risk”, “high risk activity”, etc.. make the same word “risk” a sort of pass-partout notion that refers in a very wider and general sense to any type of social fact where something dangerous occurs. Therefore, the chapter aims to contribute to a better understanding of the social dynamics, which can be intepreted as “risk taking”. Firstly, by discussing the social and anthropological roots of the concept; secondly, by making clear what is the semantic associated wth the nation of risk, which isnofar is widely spred but not really known. As a fact, no one really knows what is talking about whan talking of risk. Accordingly, the author takes this challenge by framing the analisys of risk within the study of leisure activities at night time. The idea discussed by the author is that the night has progressively lost its traditional function of period when all activities stopped. If traditionally the night wa the time of otium nowadays it becomes the time of negotium in different sectors of political, economic, cultural life. Thus, especially for leisure activities, the night is the time of risk, that is to say the moment where the different social sub-systems operate according to their medium of communication outside traditional frames and limitations, such as the ones narrated in the imaginary world of the fairy tales or given by the natural world. As a result, during the night the risk unveils its anthropological nature of sense generating notion, such as in the risk taking practices of many leisure activities. Moreover, the risk reveals a sociological structure of reciprocity for it recalls an imaginary relation with the death, wich is at the base of many symbolic productions
Il tragitto balcanico dei flussi migratori
No full textThe article deals with the issue of illegal migration at the border between Italy, Slovenia and Croatia. The author, analyses the symbolic and material interdependence between the challenges of “border control” and the imaginary fears of threats and insecurity that historically haunts the area. Particularly, it seems that the same problematic context of mutual mistrusts on the different sides of the borders sets nonetheless the stage for a joint solution. In other words, cross-border cooperation and local exchange are the “strenghts” to exploit in order to contrast the threats coming from new patterns of transnational crime. Therefore, the solution to the challenge of illegal migration should bring about the overcome of historical rivalries and the activation of institutional practices of cross-border cooperation, which are already working in other sectors of public life. Also, illegal migration already takes place along such transnational cooperation templates; so, it is a matter of catching up with their methods and techniques.
The author discusses data and information taken from police sources and sketches a new geography of illegal migration on the north-eastern borders of Italy, which reflects wider geo-political changes. Differently from the dramatically media reported arrivals of immigrants on the southern shores of Italy, the Central and Eastern European immigration flows have different carachters and methods. As a matter of fact, mostly Chinese and Eastern Asian migrants cross illegally central Europe and disbark on the Italian side of the border. According to the investigations of the Anti Mafia Department of Italian Police, illegal migrants from China, Philippines or Sri Lanka are transferred to Russia or Ukraine via airplane and than moved again via airplane to the Balkans, mostly in Serbia. From Serbia are transferred with bus or auto to Romania, Hungary, Croatia or Slovenia and accomodated in some sort of centers of detention. Eventually, only when there are proper conditions they are taken on the other side of the Italian-Slovenia border, where the control procedures are often very relaxed for the Schangen regime. Once in Italy the illegal immigrants are taken into custody by the Italian organised crime, which sned them in different cities according to the demands of the illegal market. What is sociologically interesting, according to the author, is that the trafficking appears to be a complex set of interactions among different organisations in different countries. Thus, it seems a truly global enterprise that goes beyond ethnic or legal divides. Also, the immigrants are exchanged with weapons, drugs or other criminal goods and thus are reduced in a condition of almost slavery by cruel and powerful geopolitical actors
Mimetismo di frontiera. Nazionalità e cittadinanza in Istria
No full textThis book is an original monographic work based on a three-years long fieldwork. It analyses the causes and the forms taken by the regional identity in the post-socialist trans-national region of Istria. The research aims at shedding light on the cultural, social, economic and political implications of the regional patterns of identity in Istria through the discussion of the concept of “istrianess” (istrijanstvo). Based on the elaboration of statistics, secondary sources and original semi-structured interviews with privileged witnesses, the goal of the book is to reconstruct and codify the sense of istrianess from the point of view of the people that actively participating in its cultural and political elaboration. As a result, the work put forward the original thesis that the sense of istrianess has to be found in the tense relations between national belonging and the establishment of a democratic national citizenship within he newly established Croatian state. The subordination of citizenship rights to a clear and exclusive national affiliation fueled insecurity and anxiety among the multinational dwellers of a frontier region like Istria. In the difficult post-war and post-socialist years, the local affiliation to an over-encompassing regional identity was felt as an alternative reasonable answer to the possible discriminations coming from the new state. This author has labeled this dynamic as “borderland” mimicry, meaning the territorial identification with a frontier land instead of a polity or an ethnic group with the aim to seek protection.[...
Mitologije Arberesev
No full textIn this article Emilio Cocco investigates the reasons why it should be important to write of the contemporary political mythology of the Arbereshe, an old Albanian minority that settled in Southern Italy from the 16th century onwards. Emilio Cocco assumes that some good reasons can be found in the political situation concerning Albania, Italy and broadly speaking the whole regional stability. Although the importance of such a tiny ethnic community could be consideed residual, the author suggests that on the contrary a reflection on Arbereshe mythological self-representation should be endorsed, especially nowadays. In fact, Emilio Cocco thinks that from little occurences and smal phenomena it might be possibile to better understand larger problems. Even though, for many observers could not be easy to see the link between the populr imagination in some scattered villages and international security problems. Conversely, it is exactly when the outburst of violence, troubles and illegal activities affects straightaway the stability and the security prospects of the area that more unseen and marginal- though important – issues run the risk to be let apart. The Arbereshe are barely recognised within contemporary Italy and subsist as one of the most neglected community from a political point of view. On the contrary, other sub-alpine national minorities are largely granted and manage to play important roles into the internal and foreigh affairs. AS a matter of fact, while the French, German and Slovenia minorities got a special status within autonomous regions of the Italian Republic, the Arbereshe did not. The link with Albania is just fanciful and emotional, inscribed in people imagination but never really legitimised politically. Accordingly, Emilio Cocco attempts to investigate the significance of the 15th century overseas memories in the making of the Arbereshe identity. Moreover, he tries to highlight the nature of the Italo-Albanian bond constituted by the special Arbereshe experience. In other words, the point he makes is that the alleged descendants of the Skanderbeg would bear a double identity and their mythological make-up would work for a supra-national political identity, which is summed up by the sentence “Two Hearts, One country” and is symbolised by the image of Skanderbeg itself. The article is divided in three main parts: in the first one Emilio Cocco analyses some important pieces of work of the modern Arbereshe intellectual elite. In the second one, he considers the political present day implications of the famous epic of Skanderbeg. Finally, in the third part, Cocco illustrate show concretely the double-identity pattern keeps on projecting the Arbereshe community outside a single national framework. [...
L'analisi S.W.O.T.
No full textThis chapter is part of the methodological section of a scientific report issued after an exstensive fieldwork took place in the province of Teramo. The goal of the research has been to evaluate the state of the social services in the Province of Teramo and was carried out by a research group made of selected researchers belinging to the department of social Theories and Policies of Social Development of the University of Teramo. The chapter wrote by Emilio Cocco discusses the technique of the S.W.O.T. analysis as a tool to apply to the data collected in the present research work. The author describes how the SOWT technique was created and its first applications in the thoery of organisation and in political economy. Then, Emilio Cocco discusses the sociological implications of such a technique and the potentialities of its use for the treatement of complex set of data, which included both statistics and interviews. Some examples of the SOWT analysis and guidelines for a proper use are provided too. [...
La Croazia si riscopre balcanica
No full textThe article represents one of the few and probably more detailed sociological and geopolitical analysis of the Croatian post-communist transtition in Italian language. It discussed the main issues and topics that shaped the public dbate of Croatia since the collapse of Yugoslavia. Emilio Cocco, the author, backs his arguments with references to political discourses, national symbolism, statistic, historiography and opinion leaders assessments. Nonetheless, the text is intended for a multidisciplinary audience and maintains a smooth style. Emilio Cocco main argument is that the nature of post-communist Croatian transition is paradoxical. On one hand , the efforts of the new Croatian national political and cultural elite were oriented towards the establishment of a European, Western and anti-Balkan national identity. On the other one, the same strategy eventually led to a somehow fratricide war, regional frictions, international isolation, cultural depression and human rights violations. To discuss his thesis, Emilio Cocco takes into consideration some crucial issues. Firstly, the problems deriving from the economic transition to market economy and the contested privatization process along nationalist lines, which was intended to create a politically loyal national middle class. Secondly, the quasi-totalitarian role of the HDZ, the major political party, which acted as a natural and necessary intermediary between the state and the people. By claiming the legitimacy to represent the only real interest of the Croats and of the Croatian state, the role of the HDZ was ambivalent and often authoritarian. Thirdly, the process of cultural separation and political deconciliation from the Serbs and from Yugoslavia. This process meant a differentiated set of politically oriented decisions in different cultural fields, from language policies, to education, cinema and arts. As a result, the new national elite promoted in the 1990s a politically approved way to be a Croat. And, eventually, the investment on ethnic policies that were intended to draw the borders of croat-ness had a negative impact at the territorial level, where regional and local differences became more relevants. As a conclusion, Emilio Cocco assumes that the end of the homeland war, the regional stabilisation and the EU integration process would lead to a progressive democratization and de-balkanisation of Croatia. Nonethelss, the way Croatian state has been founded won’t change and some political mythologies will be there in the future too. Therefore, the pacification of Croatia with Europe and the International Community would not necessary bring a similar step with the Balkan neighbours
Nazionalismo e astensionismo nella ex Jugoslavia
No full textEmilio Cocco presents in this chapter an analysis of the relations between the phenomenon of astensionism and the one of nationalism. Particularly, the author shed light on the way astensionism has favoured the electoral victory of right-wing and nationalist oriented parties throughout former Yugoslavia at the turn of the 21st century. Moreover, Emilio Cocco aism to establish a connection between the electoral strenght of the nationalist parties in former Yugoslavia and the empowerment of right-wing parties wihin the EU. The thesis suggested is that the weakening of the EU idea and the revival of ethnic, national or regional exclusivist ideas in Western Europe has had an impact on the local electoral arena of post-Yugosalv countries. Also, the lack of appeal of a non-nationalist approach and the contemporary growth of euro-skeptical orientation in the regional constituencies set the stage for a stronger stance of nationalism. The author takes into consideration political discourses and electoral data of different countries in Western Europe and former Yugoslavia, with special regards to the case of Croatia. Here, the analysis is more deep and Emilio Cocco approaches the most important features of the post-Tudjman political debate. First of all the thesis about the defensive carachter of the homeland war and the impossibility for Croatian citizens to be judged by any foregin or international tribunal. This thesis has been cherished by the right wing opinion and has animated a wide transversal nationalist front, which took antagonist stances in front of the EU and the International Community. Concretely, the electoral campagin that led to electoral success the nationalis parties in Croatia revolved around issues such as the one of the «indicted Generals» like Gotovina, Bobetko or Norac. The case of the «Generals» demonstrates how to stirr up nationalist feelings for electoral reasons is eventually detrimental to the international relations of the country itself. Accordingly, the author discusses the implication of the Tudjman's defensive doctrine for the present day realtions of Croatia with countries such as USA, UK and other EU countries
United in Discontent: Local Responses to Cosmopolitanism and Globalization, New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books
No full textIdentità e migrazioni nell'Adriatico: due possibili chiavi di lettura
No full textThis work addresses the question of how it is possible to think of development in a frontier territory. A frontier territory is not only a border area but it is a place historically shaped by the institutionally unorganized coexistence of religious, ethnic and linguistic bondages in context of extreme periphery, that is to say great distance from the political centers. The Adriatic region, with special reference to the Eastern Adriatic, represents a classical example. Here the usual approaches to development based on market or state-oriented seem to fail; institution-building generally brings about antagonisms and stable organization of political communities appears like a faraway goal. At the same time, local identities are powerful and relevant social capitals can be found throughout the region. Accordingly, the article proposes two key-concepts that would allow a brighter interpretation of the problems and the opportunities of development in the Eastern Adriatic. The first one is the theme of “identity”, that is to say the way social identities are institutionalized and denied. The second one, strictly connected with the first, is the theme of “migrations”, which is at the base of never ending disputes and clashes. The reason is the link between the topic of political legitimacy and the histories of reciprocal oppression and domination that even today fuel the regional antagonism.[...
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