27,645 research outputs found
Sseu k'ou ts'iuan chou tsong mou ki Wei cheou chou mou yin-tô
No full textSseu k'ou ts'iuan chou tsong mou ki Wei cheou chou mou yin-tô. In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 34, 1934. p. 651
Sseu k'ou ts'iuan chou tsong mou ki Wei cheou chou mou yin-tô
No full textSseu k'ou ts'iuan chou tsong mou ki Wei cheou chou mou yin-tô. In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 34, 1934. p. 651
Li shi shang de da tang xi shi
No full textDa tang zhang an xi shi shi tang dou zhang an zhong zui wei fan hua de ju you guo ji xing zhi de shang mao ji shi, Ren kou chou mi, Xi xi rang rang, Zhong wai ke shang yun ji. Ben shu dui da tang"xi shi"zuo le quan mian miao hu
Hu lian wang luo shang de beng ta xing wei
No full textCheung, Wing Kai = 互連網絡上的崩塌行為 / 張永佳.Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-99).Abstracts also in Chinese.Title from PDF title page (viewed on 14, September, 2016).Cheung, Wing Kai = Hu lian wang luo shang de beng ta xing wei / Zhang Yongjia
Inhibition of amyloid fibril formation of β-amyloid peptides via the amphiphilic surfactants
No full textDoes corruption relieve foreign investors of the burden of taxes and capital controls?
Full text linkIn a sample of fourteen source countries making bilateral investments in forty five countries, the author finds that taxes, capital controls, and corruption, all have large, statistically significant negative effects on foreign investment. Moreover, there is no robust support in the data for the"efficient grease"hypothesis - that corruption helps attract foreign investment by reducing firms'tax burden and the irritant of capital controls.International Terrorism&Counterterrorism,Capital Markets and Capital Flows,Decentralization,Fiscal&Monetary Policy,Economic Theory&Research,Economic Theory&Research,International Terrorism&Counterterrorism,Governance Indicators,National Governance,Capital Flows
On Land Equalization Systems in Western Wei, Northern Chou and Northern Ch'i
Full text linkThis paper aims to clarify the following points: 1) The land equalization system in Western Wei, as in the case of Northern Wei, applied to both nationally and privately owned land. The same holds true to Northern Chou as well as to Northern Ch’i. The general description of their systems is seen in the historical documents such as Tun-huang Documents and Turfan Documents during the T’ang Dynasty period. 2) In Northern Wei, the term “桑田” sang t’ien, meant privately owned land (its entire area) within the mulberry fields, whereas in Northern Chou, the meaning gradually changed to signify the nationally owned land which was distributed to each qualified person for planting mulberry, jujube, and elm trees. 3) With regard to the land equalization system in Northern Dynasty, the terms, “永業” yung yeh and “還受” huan shou referred to the characteristics of a usufructuary right authorized by the State, who is the sole land owner. To be concrete, the former has a permanent nature, consisting of privately owned land and a portion of nationally owned land. The latter is more limited in definition, and constitutes a part of nationally owned land. 4) The distinction among the terms, “上戸” shang hu “中戸” chung hu and “下戸” hsia hu, which are found in No. 613 of the Chinese Manuscripts from Tun-huang in the British Museum is determined by the ratio of the entire land privately owned by one whole family to the total amount of “正田” cheng t’ien, which was appropriated out of the family’s private land to each full-grown man and woman within the family. When the former exceeds the latter, it is called “上戸” shang hu. When the both amounts are equal, it is referred to as “中戸” chung hu. The term, “下戸” hsia hu, is used when the former is less than the latter, or there is no privately owned land to be compared. (Privately owned land was appropriated as “正田” cheng t’ien, because Tun-huang was “狭郷” hsia hsiang.)journal articl
The Second Thesis on Shang-chün 象郡
Full text linkShih-huang-ti conquered Nan-yüeh 南越 and established three provinces (郡) there—Kuei-lin 桂林, Shang 象 and Nan-hai 南海. As to the location of Shang Province, no one had doubted the authority of Wei Chao 韋昭 of the Wou 呉 dynasty who identified Shang Province with Jih-nan 日南 Province of the Han period and of later times (the present Hue of Vietnam). Formerly the writer, sceptical of this identification, observed in the Shigakuzasshi (October, 1928) that the province should be located within the present Kuang-hsi province and that Pin-chou 賓州 in Kuang-hsi is to be considered. Against this MASPÉRO held that it was the present Nan-ning 南寧 in th valley of the river Wu-chiang 鬱江 in the southwest of Pin-chou and Dr. KUWATA offered his own opinion that it should be sought in the basin of the Hung-shui-chiang 紅水江.Besides the three provinces of the Ch’in period were replaced by nine provinces in the Han time. Due to this fact relations between the three provinces of Ch’in and the nine provinces of Han were discussed. Especially Dr. Naojirō SUGIMOTO is engaged in studying on this subject.The writer has written this article, as he was asked by Dr. KUWATA to review his article pertaining to Shang Province published in the Bulletin of the Department of Literature of Osaka University, No. 3. The writer remains to maintain his previous view that Shang Province should be identified with Pin-chou. This problem is significant in determining the southernmost boundary of the domain of China in the Ch’in period.journal articl
Si chou zhi lu Shen mi gu guo
No full textBen shu yi"si chou zhi lu"wei xian suo, Jiang shu dong xi fang wen ming gu guo de li shi he wen hu
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