4,490 research outputs found
SYSTEMATIC BAYES PRIOR-ASSIGNMENT BY COUPLING THE MINI-MAX ENTROPY AND MOMENT-MATCHING METHODS
No full textThe prior is chosen somewhat conservatively, but not arbitrarily, in Bayes analysis for the event whose characteristics are not well understood. It is desirable to get the prior through an objective procedure for the given information. Our approach of assigning the pre-prior is by coupling the principle of maximum entropy with the moment-matching method; ie, to find upper & lower bounds of the population parameter sets - based on upper & lower bounds of the entropy for the given information. The methodology is demonstrated by applying it to the data sets of initiating events taken from the performance of nuclear power plants. The favorable prior candidates (lognormal & gamma) are competitive with respect to the mean & variance of the data. And, one can get the more suitable pre-prior type, depending on the data, by choosing the one whose prior is more conservative than that obtained by the moment-matching method. As uncertainty or variance is decreased, the entropy of each prior candidate converges to the maximum entropy of the normal (Gaussian) distribution. This is similar to the central limit theorem that all distributions converge to the normal distribution as the sample size becomes large. Therefore, no special concern is necessary, conceptually, to select the prior form for the data with a small variance. Consequently, our algorithm provides explicit process-conserving scrutability, thus minimizing the introduction of subjectivity or arbitrariness in Bayes analysis. However, we recommend considering various types of distribution in addition to those examined in this study, as an additional effort to complete our algorithm
Association of pancreatic autoantibodies and human leukocyte antigen haplotypes with resolution of diabetes mellitus following therapy for hepatitis C virus infection in patients with human immunodeficiency virus infection
No full textWh-in-situ phenomena in French
No full textThe goal of this thesis is to provide an alternative theory of how wh-expressions are
interpreted. I propose that French wh-words are interpreted through an A-bar binding relation
subject to a modified Generalized Binding Theory (cf. Aoun, 1985; henceforth GBT) which is an
LF module of the Minimalist Framework (Chomsky, 1995). Among the four interrogative
strategies available in French, it will be demonstrated that wh-clefts and wh-in-situ pattern
together as they can only be used in strongly presupposed contexts unlike reinforced
interrogatives and inversion+wh-fronting.
French exhibits a puzzle in the domain of Wh/QP interaction. Standard analyses predict
an ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast depending on the c-command relation between the wh-word
and the QP (May, 1985, etc.). Crucially, a wh-in-situ c-commanded by a universal QP (among
other A'-elements) lacks a non-echo interpretation; only an echo reading is available.
Furthermore, a wh-in-situ within an embedded clause only has an echo reading. Contrastively, an
overtly moved wh-word can always be interpreted as non-echo regardless of an intervening A'-
element or a clause boundary.
I argue that French in-situ facts can be captured by the GBT. I propose that wh-words are
A'-anaphors that receive an interrogative interpretation by being bound to a null Q operator (C°).
This binding relation is subject to locality conditions. First, the lack of a non-echo reading of a
wh-in-situ c-commanded by a QP is a violation of a Specified Antecedent Condition which
requires an A'-anaphor to be bound by the closest potential antecedent. Second, the matrix clause
restriction is captured by a Matrix Clause Condition requiring an A'-anaphor to be bound within
its minimal finite clause. Under minimalist views of movement, a strong [wh] feature of French
null Q attracts a wh-word to raise overtly and adjoin to the root. Because overtly moved whwords
enter LF in the most local binding relation possible with the null Q (spec-head), they may
always be interpreted as non-echo. Lastly, I adopt Chierchia's (1993) Weak Crossover (WCO)
analysis of Wh/QP interaction to capture the ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast in French overt
syntax. The WCO approach further supports our proposals concerning the composition of French
wh-words; they are made up of a [wh] feature and an A'-anaphoric pronominal element, pro.Arts, Faculty ofLinguistics, Department ofGraduat
Wh-Islands: A View from Correspondence Theory
No full textThis paper discusses a family of restrictions on syntactic extraction, so-called wh-islands. The analysis will be based on the OT syntax model developed in Vogel (2004a,b) which focuses on the correspondence between semantic, syntactic and phonological representations, in the spirit of work by Jackendoff (1997), Williams (2003) and Culicover & Jackendoff (2005). I will argue that the wh-island restriction results from the impossibility to establish a perfect semantics-syntax mapping in the relevant structures. The resulting constraint violations add up to yield the wh-island effect. Exceptions to the wh-island restrictions in English are argued to be prosodically licensed.
Section 2 introduces the model I am using, and presents examples of some accounts of ineffability which I developed elsewhere. That section also introduces the basics of my treatment of wh-movement. Section 3 develops the account of wh-islands. Section 4 discusses the exceptions to the wh-island restriction that we see in English, and extends my account to handle these cases. The OT implementation of this account is presented in Section 5.The definitive version of this paper is published in Modeling Ungrammaticality in Optimality Theory. It is available at https://www.equinoxpub.com/equinox/books/showbook.asp?bkid=212Vogel, R. (2009). Wh-Islands: A View from Correspondence Theory. In C. Rice (Ed.), Ungrammaticality in Optimality Theory. Oakville, CT:Equinox Pub. Ltd, 2009ISBN-13 9781845532154 (published book
Variations in Interferon Gamma Receptor Gene Expression during Liver Regeneration after Partial Hepatectomy in Rats
No full textThe interaction of syntax, prosody, and discourse in licensing French wh-in-situ questions
No full textThe current experiment addresses the proposal by Cheng & Rooryk (2000) that wh-in-situ questions in French are marked by an obligatory rising contour, which is the result of an intonation morpheme [Q: ] in C. Twelve native French speakers participated in a production study in which they produced the target interrogatives, along with a range of similar sentences. While most participants were perceived to assign wh-in-situ questions a sentence-final rise, a minority was not. Moreover, the rise associated with wh-in-situ was smaller than the rise exhibited in yes-no questions, which C&R claim to be licensed by the same morpheme. Given that these two results are unexpected under C&R’s account, we conducted a further acoustic analysis of the productions, which revealed that for sentences lacking a sentence-final rise, the the in situ wh-word had an elevated high pitch accent. A statistical analysis shows a negative correlation between the height of the pitch accent assigned to the wh-word and the presence and height of the sentence-final rise, indicating that instead of the sentence-final rise for wh-in-situ questions being optional, it may instead be variable and predictable by focus placed on the wh-word, for discourse reasons. We discuss three possibilities for the status of the intonation morpheme concerning yes-no and wh-questions and the role of information structure in French wh-in-situ questions.Peer reviewed
Cold-stress induced the modulation of catecholamines, cortisol, immunoglobulin M, and leukocyte phagocytosis in tilapia.
No full textEFFECTS OF A MEDIUM-CHAIN TRIACYLGLYCEROL/LONG-CHAIN TRIACYLGLYCEROL FAT EMULSION CONTAINING A REDUCED RATIO OF PHOSPHOLIPID TO TRIACYLGLYCEROL IN PEDIATRIC SURGICAL PATIENTS
No full textOptimal Test Interval Modeling of Nuclear Safety System Using the Inherent Unavailability and Human Error
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