120 research outputs found
Le assemblee rappresentative nel governo multilivello: alcuni spunti problematici
No full textAristide CANEPA: Le assemblee rappresentative nel governo multilivello: alcuni spunti problematici (Representative Assemblies in the Multi-Level Government: Some Problematical Starting Points)
Abstract:
The work is the result of prof. Canepa’s participation in a “Progetto di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale” (National Interest Research Project) granted in 2004 by the Ministry of University and coordinated by prof. Michele Scudiero (University of Naples-“Federico II”), about “Local Authorities and the Centre in the Perspective of State’s Federal Reform and European Integration Process”. Prof. Canepa was the coordinator of the research unit of the University of Genoa, in charge of “The territorial organization of the State in the perspective of evolution of the European institutions: experiences and models in comparison”. Research Units from the Universities of Naples-“Federico II”, Cagliari, Cassino, Eastern Piedmont, Sassari, Naples 2 and Milan also took part in the research.
The research is focused on the changes in Italian representative assemblies role and organisation (both at national and regional level) following the different steps in the devolution process as well as in the European integration one. The work starts with a brief survey on the evolution of rules and jurisprudence about the allocation of legislative powers. It passes then to analyse the organizational means the assemblies adopted in order to monitoring and coordinating their legislative work with the work of the equivalent bodies at the other levels of government. The third step is the analysis of further instruments of preparation and inter-territorial coordination of the normative process (such as the Conference State-Regions, the Department of Communitarian Policies of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, etc.).
The research seems to confirm a trend already existing in the more recent developments of parliamentary democracy, also independently from the processes here studied: a significant weakening of the role played by the assemblies in the legislative process, in favour of the role there played by the executive bodies. This is true both in the policy-making process (the choice about “whether”, “in which measure”, “when” and “on what” make law) and in the more technical dimension of the legislative drafting. In a multi-level government system, the same need of coordination plays in favour of the role played by the Executives, due to both the larger suppleness of their working and their being in control of the administrative machinery. We can surely write about weakening of the national Parliament, whose legislative powers have been gradually reduced, through the years, in favour of the European institutions and, on the other hand, of the Regions. But also for the Regional Councils, theoretically strengthened by the devolution of new legislative powers to the Regions in the constitutional reform of 2001, it seems to be correct to write about a strengthening inferior to expectations and not proportionate to the dimension of such a devolution
La funzione parlamentare in Europa: tra evoluzione del Parlamento europeo e crisi dei Parlamenti nazionali
No full textAristide CANEPA: La funzione parlamentare in Europa: tra evoluzione del Parlamento europeo e crisi dei Parlamenti nazionali (The “Parliamentary Function in Europe: Between European Parliament Evolution and National Parliaments Crisis)
Abstract:
The work is the result of prof. Canepa’s participation in a “Progetto di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale” (National Interest Research Project) granted in 2002 by the Ministry of University and coordinated by prof. Michele Scudiero (University of Naples-“Federico II”), about “Europe’s Institutional Perspectives. The Proposals of the European Convention, the Decisions of the Intergovernmental Conference and Their Implementation”. Prof. Canepa was part of the research unit of the University of Genoa, coordinated by prof. Adriano Giovannelli and in charge of “The Evolution of the form of government in the European Union”. Research Units from the Universities of Naples-“Federico II”, Cagliari, Parma and Calabria also took part in the research.
The work starts from a synthetic survey of the more important historical conceptions of Parliaments’ role and, then, passes to evaluate whether (and in which measure) the evolution of European Parliament’s role and powers have been making it more similar to the model of Parliament prevailing in the liberal democracies (although such a model is not so unequivocal as we are used to think). A brief historical excursus considers the gradual growing of parliamentary body’s powers in the European Communities, from ECSC’s Common Assembly to European Parliament in its different developments, paying particular attention to the Single European Act and the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. The work examines then the functions EP carries out now on the ground of the Treaty of Nice, and it systematizes them according to the constitutional law traditional analysis of parliamentary assemblies’ role: representative functions (from which also a function of decision-making processes’ legitimation descends), policy-making functions, legislative functions and control functions.
The work embraces the same categories in order to analyse how the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe reforms European Parliament’s role and powers. By using such interpretative categories, it is made clear that important European Parliament’s powers (such as the powers related to the budget or to the Commission approval) are not understandable as parts of the same functions they are currently playing in the National constitutional orders. Such a difference has been reduced, but not cancelled by the constitutional Treaty. In consequence, it isn’t possible to evaluate the possible dynamics of the future EU institutions through the classical models of constitutional regimes and forms of government.
Then, the work analyses the relations between European Parliament and the national ones, in the light of the scholars’ debate (especially about the so-called democratic deficit and the subsidiarity principle), of the Convention works and of the rules established by the constitutional Treaty and the annexed Protocols on the role of national parliaments in the European Union and on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality.
The analysis allows to draw the conclusion that the “parliamentary function”, as it is now developed in the institutional framework of the European Union and the member States as well, is not understandable through the classical models of national State, typical of the XIX c., which lie still on the ground of the interpretative categories used by Italian constitutional science.
The research allowed to understand that today it isn’t possible to correctly evaluate the richness and the complexity of the “parliamentary function” by studying only the single assemblies. On the contrary, it is now needed to analyse the (partially synergic) system of the representative bodies (at least the ones enjoying legislative powers) at the different levels of government (European, national and sub-national), in a framework becoming more and more a multi-level government system, due to both the convergent processes of European Union constitutionalisation and regional devolution today in progress in several European countries, including Italy
Riflessioni su stabilità dell'Esecutivo e democrazia rappresentativa nei sistemi parlamentari dell'Europa occidentale
No full textAristide CANEPA: Riflessioni su stabilità dell’Esecutivo e democrazia rappresentativa nei sistemi parlamentari dell’Europa occidentale (Some Reflections about Stability of the Executive and Representative Democracy in the Parliamentary Systems of Western Europe)
Abstract:
The work is the result of prof. Canepa’s participation in a “Progetto di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale” (National Interest Research Project) granted in 2006 by the Ministry of University and coordinated by prof. Michele Scudiero (University of Naples-“Federico II”), about “Stability of the Executive and representative democracy”. Prof. Canepa was part of the research unit of the University of Genoa, coordinated by prof. Adriano Giovannelli and in charge of “Stability of the Executive and representative democracy: comparative and European outlines”. Research Units from the Universities of Naples-“Federico II”, Cagliari, Milan and Calabria also took part in the research.
Before the exposition of the work content, a little explanation is needed, regarding to the choice of the studied States. The work is focused on the parliamentary and semi-presidential regimes of the main States of Western Europe that never made experience of socialist regimes in their history: in this work, therefore, the concept of Western Europe is not to be regarded in a strictly geographical meaning, but in relation to the geo-political position of the same States before the fall of the Berlin wall.
Through the analysis of constitutional texts, standing orders of the Parliaments and other sub-constitutional sources of law, as well as of political customs and usages, the work makes a survey of the main institutional solutions capable of influencing the sensitive balance between the need of stability of the Executive and guarantees for the representativeness of the democratic system. Among such institutional solutions, the work considers especially: the rationalisation of confidence relationship between Governments and Assemblies; the possible powers of the Executive in order to intervene in Parliament works and organization; legislative powers of the Executives and forms of the related parliamentary control; rules about the dissolution of Parliament; rules about the relations between Head of State and Prime Minister; rules about the election of the Head of State and about his/her powers; possible instruments of direct democracy and their influence on representative institutions’ working.
Such a survey aims to represent the state of the art about the institutional balance between Executive and Legislative in the main democracies of Western Europe. But the work aims also to focus on the more recent trends in the matter, paying particular attention to the more significant constitutional reforms passed during the last decade in some of these democracies. Among them, the enforcement of the new Finnish Constitution in 1999-2000, the Greek Constitutional reforms of 2001 and 2008, the German one of 2006, as well as the several French reforms between 2000 and 2008 (paying particular attention to the last one, large and detailed) and the important institutional reforms passed in the United Kingdom between 1999 and 2005.
Furthermore, a part of the work refers to the new institutional balance introduced in the governing bodies of European Union by the Treaty of Lisbon, although with full consciousness that the absolutely unique nature of the EU institutions (especially the political ones: European Parliament, Commission and Council) claims for a great caution in applying to them the interpretative categories usually adopted by the constitutional science.
In conclusion, the exam of the more recent reforms seems not to allow to identify an unequivocal direction in the complex process of institutional evolution in the European continent; nonetheless, the work seems to identify a general drift to diminish both the tendency to the centrality of Parliament, in the systems traditionally more oriented to stress the representativeness of the democratic system, and the strong centrality of the Government, in the systems traditionally more oriented to stress the stability of the Executive. A good example of the first kind is the new Finnish Constitution of 1999-2000, where both the diminution of the powers of the President and the new rules on the confidence relationship between Parliament and Government play in favour of the Prime Minister. A good example of the second kind is the French constitutional reform of 2008, which undoubtedly enlarged and strengthened the powers of the Parliament
Considerazioni a margine della sentenza Dobbs della Corte Suprema degli Stati Uniti: c’è spazio per un dibattito non ideologico sull’aborto?*
No full textIl lavoro analizza la sentenza della Corte Suprema Usa Thomas E. Dobbs, State Health Officer of the Mississippi Department of Health, et al. v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, et al., No. 19-1392, 597 U.S. __ (2022), che ha radicalmente mutato l'orientamento della Corte stessa in materia di aborto, negando l'esistenza di un diritto costituzionale allo stesso e demandando le decisioni in materia ai Parlamenti degli Stati membri della Federazione. Si tratta di un importante revirement giurisprudenziale rispetto ai principi interpretativi precedentemente fissati dalle sentenze Roe v. Wade, del 1973, e Planned Parenthood v. Casey, del 1992. Dopo aver ricostruito il percorso argomentativo della Corte e le divisioni al suo interno, il lavoro analizza le ricadute che la sentenza può avere sul dibattito pubblico in materia di aborto e sugli equilibri istituzionali nella Federazione, cercando di identificare i punti di forza e gli aspetti problematici della sentenza stessa. Il lavoro si chiude poi con alcune considerazioni su aspetti problematici dell'organizzazione istituzionale statunitense che, comportando una percezione fortemente politica del ruolo della Corte Suprema, hanno reso particolarmente delicate le sue recenti pronunce su temi di maggior impatto politico
In margine alla nomina del Governo Schuessel in Austria (spunti per una riflessione sulla Presidenza federale)
No full textIl lavoro ricostruisce le vicende legate alla nomina del I Governo Schuessel in Austria e il ruolo di "guardiano dei valori costituzionali" assunto in tale occasione dal Preesidente federale Klestil a fronte dei rischi legati alla partecipazione al Governo stesso di una formazione politica di estrema destra. Partendo da tale ricostruzione, l'autore esamina i possibili sviluppi del ruolo del Presidente federale austriaco
Alcune considerazioni su Presidente della Repubblica e indirizzo politico in Italia e Portogallo
No full textL'articolo presenta un'analisi comparativa dei poteri, delle funzioni e della complessiva posizione sistemica dei Presidenti della Repubblica negli ordinamenti costituzionali di Italia e Portogallo
Forma di governo e collettività locali nella Costituzione tunisina del 2014
No full textIn the background of the increasingly felt need for a dialogue between the European and Islamic countries (at least the ones closest to the mainland), the article analyses how the Tunisian constitution of 2014 regulates both the political regime and the local authorities. The exam of the Tunisian semi-presidential system focuses in particular on the complex balance between Parliament, Prime Minister and President of the Republic; it stresses the innovative features of the constitutional text, as well as the wide risk of conflicts between the above-mentioned authorities. The exam of the rules on local authorities points out the important innovations the Constitution of 2014 brought in, but it also stresses the risks related to the wide leeway the lawmakers will enjoy by detailing rules for local authorities
Il Contrat d'accueil et d'intégration nell'ordinamento francese
No full textL'articolo analizza la disciplina francese in materia di contratto di integrazione tra lo Stato e l'immigrato regolare e tenta un primo bilancio critico dell'utilità dello strumento ai fini dell'effettiva integrazione sociale degli immigrati, anche al fine di riflettere sull'analogo strumento in corso di adozione in Italia
Elementi per una analisi della cohabitation nelle istituzioni della V Repubblica francese
No full textIl volume analizza l'evoluzione degli equilibri istituzionali tra Presidente della Repubblica e Primo Ministro nella V Repubblica francese nei periodi di c.d. cohabitation, ovvero quando le due cariche sono occupate da personalità provenienti da formazioni politiche contrapposte
Lotta al COVID-19 e diritti dei cittadini nella Repubblica Popolare Cinese. Le peculiarità di un ordinamento socialista asiatico
No full textPartendo da un rapido inquadramento delle istituzioni e della configurazione dei diritti costituzionali nella Repubblica Popolare Cinese, il lavoro ha inquadrato le misure adottate dalle autorità cinesi nel primo quadrimestre del 2020, per combattere la diffusione del coronavirus. Si sono evidenziati il funzionamento della catena di comando, le relazioni tra livello centrale e livello periferico degli organi del governo e dell'amministrazione, il ruolo direttivo esercitato sugli stessi dal Partito Comunista e si è riscontrata la conseguente sostanziale irrilevanza dei diritti costituzionali dei cittadini rispetto alle decisioni politiche sull'emergenza coronavirus. Ciò appare peraltro pienamente conseguente anche al carattere recessivo che, nello stesso testo costituzionale e nella filosofia istituzionale dello Stato socialista, tali diritti hanno rispetto agli interessi politici collettivi, come identificati dal partito e dallo Stato.After a short overview of the political institutions and the regulations about constitutional rights in the People’s Republic of China, the work sets forth the measures Chinese authorities implemented during the first four months of 2020, in order to fight against coronavirus pandemic. The paper stresses the working of the chain of command, the relations between central and local levels of governing and administrative bodies, and the leadership Communist Party provides on them. In this framework, the work spots the real irrelevance of citizens’ constitutional rights in relation to political decisions about COVID-19 emergency. This is fully consistent with the same Chinese Constitution and the principles of socialist States, where human rights are generally subordinate to collective political interests, as defined by the party and the State
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