1,721,018 research outputs found
Section Overview: Governance and Management for Social Policy in Latin America
No full textThis chapter presents the Latin American section and provides an overview of its main findings. It discusses the governance and management for social policy in a region with high levels of inequality, informal employment, low fiscal efforts, and major weaknesses in terms of social risks and state capacity. Besides these similarities, wide variations also exist in social policy regimes across countries in terms of governance, administrative arrangements, levels of decentralization, and mixes of public services and private services. Innovations in social policy over the 21st century have produced a range of mixed systems that are not always consistent, distributionally sound, or sustainable.Fil: Filgueira, Fernando. Universidad de la República; UruguayFil: Arza, Camila. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; ArgentinaFil: Blofield, Merike. Universitat Hamburg; Alemani
The Slow and Reluctant Development of Social Citizenship in Latin America
No full textThis chapter puts the region’s social protection policy models into historical, political, and social context. It distinguishes four major stages in Latin American welfare state models, clearly associated with four stages in Latin American state building: the minimalist “welfare” state of the primary export period; the contribution-based welfare state under the import substitution model; the turn to the reluctant welfare state and the introduction of the market into social affairs that characterized the Washington Consensus era; and finally, the expansionary stage of post-Washington Consensus until the mid-2010s. In the initial stages, the state role was minimal, focusing on primary education and boosting urban sanitation infrastructure. In the import substitution period, there was a strong push for modern social protection, tied firmly to the protection for formal workers. However, informal labor markets and incomplete protection of a variety of risks produced a stratified model of social security with incomplete coverage. The liberal turn led to a focus on extreme poverty along with an increased reliance on market mechanisms in healthcare, education, and pensions. As the 20th century came to an end, pressures for more inclusive social policies promoted the expansion of coverage and benefits. The return and resilience of democracy, an export-oriented external stance, and the substantial economic growth of the first two decades of the 21st century were all factors that contributed to this new and still unstable social citizenship contract.Fil: Filgueira, Fernando. Universidad de la República; UruguayFil: Arza, Camila. Centro Interdisciplinario para el Estudio de Políticas Públicas; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; ArgentinaFil: Blofield, Merike. Universitat Hamburg; Alemani
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MEDIA DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY IN LATIN AMERICA
No full textIn this chapter, we examine one set of mechanisms through which wealth inequalities are translated into political and social inequalities that create and reproduce “vitiated institutions of governance” that limit the experience and expression of citizenship (Crespo and Ferreira, chapter 2 in this volume). We also look at the construction and reproduction of worldviews or ideologies that, as Reis shows in chapter 3, structure interpretations of the causes, consequences, appropriateness, and possible solutions of gross inequality.
Mass media in most Latin American societies, especially broadcast television, are controlled by a small elite that uses the media’s definitional power to further
Reviews: Traumatic States: Gendered Violence, Suffering and Care in Chile
No full textThe space between the two points in time allows the author to explore how these women have coped with their situation over the time between them, how they interpret the suffering they have undergone, how they have sought help from the state (at times successfully and at times not), and the healing that they are constantly and proactively engaging in. The author seeks to take us beyond numbers and render visible the social and psychological effects of domestic violence, through the subjects' own narratives and with their own agency. The first step toward healing when it comes to a historically "invisible" problem such as domestic violence, is simply the process of naming: "The ability to express pain requires language for talking about the pain, identification of the origins of the pain, and the willingness and ability of individuals and institutions to hear that pain and address it, to shift power relations in such a way as to rework the sources of the pain" (p. 10)
Friedenssaboteure und Friedensunterstützer: Wie individuelle Eigenschaften die Dauer und den Ausgang von Bürgerkriegen beeinflussen
No full textIn dieser Arbeit wird versucht zu erklären, warum Staatsoberhäupter und Rebellenanführer zeitweise Bürgerkriege verlängern oder sie durch Friedensabkommen beenden. Dies ist sowohl von wissenschaftlicher als auch von politischer Bedeutung, da Personen in Führungspositionen oft die Möglichkeit haben, den Ausgang und die Dauer von Konflikten zu beeinflussen. Zu diesem Zweck wird in dieser Arbeit, die Beziehung zwischen den individuellen Merkmalen und den strukturellen und institutionellen Bedingungen untersucht. Dabei gehe ich von der These aus, dass die individuellen Eigenschaften von Staatsoberhäupter und Rebellenanführer ihre Grundüberzeugungen und Werte und damit ihre Entscheidungsfindung in Bürgerkriegen beeinflussen. Genauer gesagt zeige ich, dass einige individuelle Eigenschaften förderlich für den Frieden sind, während andere sich für die Dauer und den Ausgang eines Konflikts von als nachteilig erweisen. Ich belege diese theoretische Annahme in Form von vier Aufsätzen zu folgenden Themen:
1) Merkmale des Präsidenten und das Friedensabkommen in Kolumbien 2016.
2) Gewalterfahrung und die Unterstützung von Friedensreferenden.
3) Militärische Ausbildung von Rebellenanführern und die Dauer von Bürgerkriegen.
4) Kampferfahrung von Staatsoberhäupter und Rebellenanführer und Friedensabkommen.
Ich komme zu dem Schluss, dass unter den Bedingungen der Ungewissheit die individuellen Eigenschaften der Führungspersonen für den Ausgang und die Dauer von Bürger-kriegen von Bedeutung sein können.This thesis attempts to explain why state and rebel leaders prolong civil wars or end them through peace agreements. This is of both academic and political relevance, as leaders are often able to influence the outcome and duration of conflicts. To this end, this thesis examines the relationship between leaders’ individual characteristics and struc-tural and institutional conditions. I argue that state and rebel leaders’ individual characteristics influence their core beliefs and values and thus their decision-making in civil wars. More specifically, I show that some individual characteristics are conducive to peace, while others are detrimental in terms of duration and outcome of conflicts. I provide evidence for this theoretical assumption in the form of four articles, covering:
1) the biographical characteristics of a state leader who signed a peace agreement,
2) the relevance of exposure to violence for support for a peace referendum,
3) the negative effect of rebel leaders’ military training on the duration of civil wars, and
4) the positive impact of state leaders’ combat experience – and the partially negative impact of the same among rebel leaders – on the likelihood of peace agreements being signed.
I conclude that under conditions of uncertainty, leaders’ individual characteristics matter for the outcome and duration of civil wars
The Great Gap: Inequality and the Politics of Redistribution in Latin America
No full textThe relationship between socioeconomic inequality and democratic politics has been one of the central questions in the social sciences. Recent waves of democratization combined with deepened global inequalities have made understanding this relationship ever more crucial. This study analyzes inequality and politics in the region with the highest socioeconomic inequalities in the world, Latin America. Contributions address the socioeconomic context and inequality of opportunities; elite culture, public opinion, and media framing; capital mobility, campaign financing, representation and gender equality policies; and taxation and social policies
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The Great Gap: Inequality and the Politics of Redistribution in Latin America
No full textThe relationship between socioeconomic inequality and democratic politics has been one of the central questions in the social sciences. Recent waves of democratization combined with deepened global inequalities have made understanding this relationship ever more crucial. This study analyzes inequality and politics in the region with the highest socioeconomic inequalities in the world, Latin America. Contributions address the socioeconomic context and inequality of opportunities; elite culture, public opinion, and media framing; capital mobility, campaign financing, representation and gender equality policies; and taxation and social policies
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Care Work and Class Domestic Workers' Struggle for Equal Rights in Latin America
No full textDespite constitutions that enshrine equality, until recently every state in Latin America permitted longer working hours (in some cases more than double the hours) and lower benefits for domestic workers than other workers. This has, in effect, subsidized a cheap labor force for middle- and upper-class families and enabled well-to-do women to enter professional labor markets without having to negotiate household and care work with their male partners. While elite resistance to reform has been widespread, during the past fifteen years a handful of countries have instituted equal rights. In Care Work and Class, Merike Blofield examines how domestic workers' mobilization, strategic alliances, and political windows of opportunity, mostly linked to left-wing executive and legislative allies, can lead to improved rights even in a region as unequal as Latin America. Blofield also examines the conditions that lead to better enforcement of rights
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The\u9c politics of moral sin abortion and divorce in Spain, Chile and Argentina
No full textGender and Populism in Latin America. Edited by KarenKampwirth. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010. 272p. 34.95 paper
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