1,721,005 research outputs found
Replication Data for: Bischof, Daniel & Simon Fink. “Repression as a Double-Edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs, Repression and Revolution in the Arab World. ” Swiss Political Science Review.
These are the replication materials for the publication:
Bischof, Daniel & Simon Fink. “Repression as a Double-Edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs, Repression and Revolution in the Arab World. ” Swiss Political Science Review: (forthcoming)
Replication Data for: Bischof, Daniel & Simon Fink. “Repression as a Double-Edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs, Repression and Revolution in the Arab World. ” Swiss Political Science Review.
These are the replication materials for the publication:
Bischof, Daniel & Simon Fink. “Repression as a Double-Edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs, Repression and Revolution in the Arab World. ” Swiss Political Science Review: (forthcoming)
Replication Data for: Do Voters Polarize When Radical Parties Enter Parliament?
Do voters polarize ideologically when radical views gain political legitimacy, or does the rise of radical voices merely reflect societal conflict? We argue that the elite polarization as signalled by radical parties' first entrance into parliament leads to voter divergence. Immediately after the election, legitimization and backlash effects mean that voters on both ideological sides move towards the extremes. In the longer term, this polarization is solidified because of radical parties' parliamentary presence. A panel study of Dutch voters shows that the 2002 parliamentary entrance of a radical-right party indeed led to immediate ideological polarization across the political spectrum. Estimating time-series cross-sectional models on Eurobarometer data from 17 countries (1973--2016) shows an additional long-term impact of radical-right party entry on polarization. The presence of radical voices on the right has polarizing effects, illustrating how such institutional recognition and legitimation can have a far-reaching impact on society
Replication Data for: Do Voters Polarize When Radical Parties Enter Parliament?
Do voters polarize ideologically when radical views gain political legitimacy, or does the rise of radical voices merely reflect societal conflict? We argue that the elite polarization as signalled by radical parties' first entrance into parliament leads to voter divergence. Immediately after the election, legitimization and backlash effects mean that voters on both ideological sides move towards the extremes. In the longer term, this polarization is solidified because of radical parties' parliamentary presence. A panel study of Dutch voters shows that the 2002 parliamentary entrance of a radical-right party indeed led to immediate ideological polarization across the political spectrum. Estimating time-series cross-sectional models on Eurobarometer data from 17 countries (1973--2016) shows an additional long-term impact of radical-right party entry on polarization. The presence of radical voices on the right has polarizing effects, illustrating how such institutional recognition and legitimation can have a far-reaching impact on society
Replication Data for: Tabloid Media Campaigns and Public Opinion: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on Euroscepticism in England
The files provided within this .zip file are meant to reproduce the tables and figures included in the article "Tabloid Media Campaigns and Public Opinion: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on Euroscepticism in England" by Florian Foos and Daniel Bischof in the APSR.
Notice:
- This is a fully reproducible archive written in Stata's project environment: https://www.statalist.org/forums/forum/general-stata-discussion/general/1302147-how-project-from-ssc-is-different-from-stata-built-in-project.
- As the code is written in a project environment we advise all users to carefully read the README.TXT in order to understand how reproduction in Stata's project environment works.
- The largest part of our analyses are based on yearly attitudinal data from the British Social Attitudes Survey (BSA): https://www.bsa.natcen.ac.uk. The BSA does not allow researchers to upload these data as part of their replication files; we are also not allowed to upload a recoded version of the data file. However, all yearly BSA surveys are available via the UK Data Service. In order to reproduce the results reported in this paper, you will need to a) register with the UK Data Service (https://beta.ukdataservice.ac.uk/myaccount/login) and b) access and download the relevant .dta files and place them into the replication archive (data_original/BSA/*YEAR*)
Replication Data for: What makes parties adapt to voter preferences? The role of party organisation, goals and ideology
The landmark study by Adams et al. (2006) finds that niche parties are unresponsive to the median voter and provides two theoretical reasons for this pattern: these parties are (1) more policy-seeking and (2) more influenced by their activists. Recent research adds that niche parties have narrow issue appeals beyond the traditional left-right dimension, implying that these parties pay less attention to the left-right median voter. We test these three mechanisms in a replication and extension of the original findings by Adams et al. (2006). We find that policy-seeking parties and parties with a narrow issue focus are less likely to track median voter changes, while activist influence has no moderating effect. This finding has important implications for our understanding of party responsiveness
Replication Data for: What makes parties adapt to voter preferences? The role of party organisation, goals and ideology
The landmark study by Adams et al. (2006) finds that niche parties are unresponsive to the median voter and provides two theoretical reasons for this pattern: these parties are (1) more policy-seeking and (2) more influenced by their activists. Recent research adds that niche parties have narrow issue appeals beyond the traditional left-right dimension, implying that these parties pay less attention to the left-right median voter. We test these three mechanisms in a replication and extension of the original findings by Adams et al. (2006). We find that policy-seeking parties and parties with a narrow issue focus are less likely to track median voter changes, while activist influence has no moderating effect. This finding has important implications for our understanding of party responsiveness
Replication Data for: Place-Based Campaigning: The Political Impact of Real Grassroots Mobilization
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Repression as a Double-edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs, Repression and Revolution in the Arab World
The Arab world shows a puzzling variation of political violence. The region's monarchies often remain quiet, while other autocracies witness major upheaval. Institutional explanations of this variation suggest that monarchical rule solves the ruler's credible commitment problems and prevents elite splits. This article argues that institutional explanations neglect the role of repression: Increasing the scope of repression raises the costs of rebellion and deters rebels. However, the deterrence effect disappears if repression is used indiscriminately. If remaining peaceful offers no benefits, repression creates new rebels instead of deterring them. A time-series-cross-section analysis of repression and political violence in the Middle East and North Africa corroborates our argument and shows the u-curve relation between repression and violence. Once we control for repression, monarchies have no special effect anymore. Thus, our article addresses the discussion about monarchical exceptionalism, and offers an explanation why repression deters as well as incites political violence
Replication Data for: The Public, the Protester and the Bill: Do Legislative Agendas Respond to Public Opinion Signals?
Legislators adapt their policies and agendas to public priorities. Yet research on dynamic representation usually focuses on the influence of public opinion through surveys leaving out other public opinion signals. We incorporate mobilization of the public through protest. Combining insights from social movement studies and political science, we expect protest not to have a direct effect on attention change in legislative agendas. If anything protest should have an amplification effect on public priorities. Using a new and unique data set covering collective action, public opinion and legislative agendas across almost 40 years in four Western democracies, we confirm the effect of public opinion through surveys but find no support for a direct effect of protest. Protest rarely moves legislators: only in very specific issues will protest interact with public priorities and affect attention change in legislative agendas. Our results have important implications for policy representation
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