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Beer Sheva, la città grigia
No full textLAUREA MAGISTRALEBeer Sheva, che si trova in Israele nel deserto Negev, è stata costruita dall’Impero Ottomano nel 1900 per poi, dopo essere stata anche sotto il dominio inglese e arabo, essere conquistata dai militari israeliani nel 1948 subito dopo la costituzione del nuovo stato. Il governo israeliano attraverso più pianificazioni la rifondò completamente considerandola come una città nuova, la capitale del deserto Negev. Per farlo sfruttò tecnologie costruttive di rapida esecuzione ed economiche. Sotto la responsabilità dello Stato israeliano vennero costrutite a Beer Sheva, da parte di architetti molto giovani, molte opere architettoniche che l'imprese private non avrebbero potuto promuovere con la stessa intensità e la stessa quantità. Come Tel Aviv è la città che più di ogni altra rappresenta lo stile internazionale e racchiude in un perimetro relativamente stretto, migliaia di case costruite secondo questo stile razionale e funzionale (tanto da essere definita la città bianca) così Beer Sheva può essere considerata la capitale del Brutalismo. Il Brutalismo è uno stile rude, diretto e prepotente, proprio come quella generazione di architetti attiva nell’Israele dei primi anni ’50 impazienti di rompere gli schemi esistenti. L’arrivo delle grandi ondate migratorie di quel periodo, la necessità di fornire velocemente soluzioni abitative economiche e razionali in poco tempo hanno fatto sì che il cemento armato diventasse il materiale più adatto alle esigenze del periodo. Era lo Stato il principale imprenditore edile di quel periodo, una situazione che permise a decine di giovani architetti di sbizzarrirsi e di trasformare interi quartieri, ma soprattutto numerosi edifici pubblici e governativi, in un enorme laboratorio sperimentale di tecniche, forme e geometrie. Beer Sheva, trovandosi ai confini periferici del giovane stato, era uno dei posti dove veniva lasciata maggiore libertà, diventando di fatto la capitale delle opportunità urbanistiche, certamente molto interessanti dal punto di vista innovativo.Beer Sheva, a city in the Israel's Negev desert was built by the Ottoman Empire in 1900 and conquered by the Israeli military in 1948. Eventually it was built by the Department of construction and the Ministry of construction of Israel. The whole city was built by the government according to government planning and was considered as a "new city" and the "capital of the Negev desert" - the government's goal was a quick and cheap construction. The responsibility of the Israeli state has led to the current design of the city, something most architectures and private companies could not have done in the same intensity and quantity. Tel Aviv is the city that more than any other, represents the international style and has in a tight perimeter, thousands of houses built in a rational and functional style (so to be called the white city), as well Beer Sheva can be considered the capital of Brutalism. The Brutalist style is a tough, direct and overbearing, just like that generation of architects active in Israel in the early 50's impatient to break the existing schemas. The arrival of the great migrations of the period, the need to provide fast economic and rational housing solutions in a short time meant that the reinforced concrete became the material best suited to the needs of the period. It was the state's main building contractor at the time, a situation that allowed dozens of young architects to indulge themselves and transform entire neighborhoods, numerous public and government buildings, into a huge experimental laboratory of techniques, shapes and geometries. Beer Sheva, a city in the peripheral boundaries of the young state, was one of the places where more freedom was left, becoming the de facto capital of urban opportunities and is therefore certainly very interesting from an innovative point of view
Map showing the locations of 23 measurement points (red dots) around the city of Beer-Sheva.
No full textLocation of the Beer Sheva monitoring station is indicated by a yellow dot.</p
Clinical parameters of Beer Sheva cohort participants (n = 65), stratified by %NCM (low vs. high).
No full textClinical parameters of Beer Sheva cohort participants (n = 65), stratified by %NCM (low vs. high).</p
Recognizing Justice: Identities and Policies in Beer Sheva
No full textThe context is the unresolved land and planning disputes between the Bedouin Arabs surrounding the city of Beer Sheva and the Israeli state. The minister asks the indigenous Bedouin in no uncertain terms to leave their ancestors land, where they reside in “unrecognized” (and in the eyes of most Israeli planners “illegal”) villages and towns, and relocate into modernized, legal, and well-serviced localities. Beyond the colonialist disregard of indigenous rights embedded in the minister’s visio..
Urban Ethnocracy and Structural Marginalization in Beer Sheva
No full textBeer Sheva is a city in the Negev desert, which was planned to be a living and leisure area, to make the desert
bloom (Wiley, 2008) The immigrating settlers from Europe, the middle East and Russia, pushed the Bedouins,
who were already living in this area for ages, to the margins of society (Segal, 2008). 65.000 Bedouins live in
illegal settlements across the Negev as a result of the marginalization. Ehud Prawer, former head of the planning
department, wants to solve this issue by demolishing the illegal settlements and forcefully migrate the Bedouins
into legal planned settlements (Yiftachel, 2008).
The goal of this research is to contribute to the revelation of underlying structures and bottlenecks that lead to
the marginalization of the Arab Bedouins in Beer Sheva’, by analyzing interaction processes between the Zionistic
and resistance movements of the Ashkenazim and the Arabs in Beer Sheva from the ’50 untill now.
The theories used for this research are the theory on Ethnocracy of Oren Yiftachel, which explains that in Beer
Sheva the ethnos dominates the demos (2006). Yiftachel states that in an ethnocracy the driving axle is the Judaization
and resistance of the subordinated peoples, which together lead to the ethnocratic situation. Laclou and
Mouffe’s see the same dynamic in their Critical Discourse Theory: The meaning on society is always changing,
because of resisting meanings or according to Foucoult says through time perspective.
Foucoults theory is in this research is used to understand how power is diffused and devided in discourse. And
how knowledge contributes to power, because knowledge decides what is true and what is not (Foucoult, 1998).
The methodology used to structure the research is the Critical Discourse method of Laclou and Mouffe. The
reason for this is that the analysis aims to contribute to social change of moral equal power relations in society.
Laclou and Mouffe analyse discourses, which cause social actions. Laclou and Mouffes analysis takes place on
three levels: on the societal, group and identity level (Jorgenson & Philips, 2002). The societal level and group
level are explained in chapter 4, 5 and 6. Here the societal and group dynamics are brought down to two ethnical
dynamics in Beer Sheva between the Ashkenzim and the Bedouins: the Judaization and the resistance against
it. In chapter 4 and 5 the group identity of both ethnicities is described. In chapter 7 the identity and knowledge
of ten inhabitants of Beer Sheva are regarded. These are the discourses that are based to the marginalization of
the Bedouins. In chapter 8 the division of power among the different levels of analysis is devided.
On the societal and group level the people can be divided in two main groups:
the Jews and the Arabs. In this case: the Bedouin and the Ashkenazim in Beer Sheva. The Ashkenazim, have a
fear for losing the area in the Negev, to the fast growing Bedouin population (personal communication Liron, July
2013). Therefore they use Judaic organizations to legally confiscate land, where the Bedouin live. Land of which
the Bedouin claim it is their ancestral land. The Ashkenazim use planning as a tool in the ethnocratic regime, to
push the Bedouin to the margins of society. The Jewish use a divide and rule strategy to control the Bedouin in
recognized establishments where personal or group development is very difficult. The Bedouin never get permission
of the state to build on their ancestral land. Meanwhile, the Jewish get permissions to build there. Next
to discrimination in planning the Bedouins are discriminated by law. The result of the discrimination is that the
Bedouin towns are the most impoverished areas of Israel (Yiftachel, 2006). The unserviced Bedouins become
more and more antagonistic (Yiftachel, 2010). They continue living in unrecognized villages and refuse to leave
from their ancestral land. And cling on the identities, which are created by memory building (Yiftachel 2008).
Their steadfastness is their way of resisting the ethnocratic regime. These dynamics protract the conflict even
more (Yiftachel, 2006).
Above the large societal dynamics are divided amongst ethnical lines. These are social consequences of discourses
that feed these actions. The information on the discourses in this research consist of interviews of people
in Beer Sheva and their positions towards meanings that create discourses:
The Arabs and the Bedouin live segregated in the Beer Sheva area. The Bedouin live outside of the city, while
the Ashkenazim and Mizrahim live in the city centre. The Bedouin are discriminated and have difficulties living
up to the same standard as the people in Beer Sheva. The knowledge/presumptions the different ethnical groups
have on each other, are based on how people were raised and educated, based on the media and on stories that
go around in the area, They often contradict each other.
Bedouins according to Ashkenazim are criminals. Most of the times younger Bedouin steal. They are bored and
have no education and not much to do. They lost their connexion to the traditions and see what the Israelis have
and what they don’t. Some Bedouins steal out of principle. They feel land is taken from them, so they will take
things back, what they feel is theirs. The land is from their ancestors. They don’t need a piece of paper to prove
the land is theirs. They want to live fro their crops and herds, but they don’t get enough space for this.
7
Bedouin are unwilling to pay taxes. But why would the Bedouin ay taxes if they have no access to facilities like
electricity and water. They now live in the poorest municipalities of Israel: even the recognized villages very poor.
According to one side, this is because the municipalities are corrupted, but according to the Bedouins, the government
is not putting any effort in the villages like they do for the Jewish communities. There are almost no job
opportunities in the Bedouin areas and also public transit is not available for the Bedouins like it is for the Jewish
towns.
The government aims to develop the Bedouin community from the traditional life to modern life, by obligate them
to live in recognized villages, like everybody in Israel. Many people see this as a good solution.
Opposed to his others interviewees claim that the government does not aim to help the Bedouins, but they put
them in recognized villages to control the population. The Israeli are afraid of the fast reproducing Bedouins,
because they are associated with Arabs.
The discourse of the Ashkenazim and Mizrahim take a lead in Israel. The government uses the law to overrule
the Bedouins. The Bedouins are weak, because of their difficulties to change from their traditional life to modernity.
They cannot resist as a group, because the meanings towards the situation are divided. Also they don’t have
the tools to represent themselves. Therefore they are negatively represented by the other ethnicities
L'expression verbale d'une fonction corporelle, le système reproducteur, dans une communauté pluri-ethnique, Beer-Sheva (Israël)
No full textStern Judith M. L'expression verbale d'une fonction corporelle, le système reproducteur, dans une communauté pluri-ethnique, Beer-Sheva (Israël). In: Bulletin de psychologie, tome 31 n°335, 1978. Groupe d'études du langage I, Université de Strasbourg. pp. 544-552
The Genesis and Manuscripts of Beer Sheva by Bella and Beer Perlhefter
No full textThe article focuses on investigating the extant manuscripts entitled Beer Sheva, written in Yiddish by the Prague rabbi Beer Shmuel Issachar (ca. 1650–ca. 1713) and his wife Bella (Beile) Perlhefter (ca. 1650–1710) on the threshold of the turn to the eighteenth century. The work is dedicated to the seven deceased children of the married couple as a book of remembrance and solace.
The article presents the known versions of the manuscript in their external form, utilizing procedures in paleography and textual criticism. There are a total of nine extant versions of Beer Sheva in various states of preservation, and varying in their completeness, in various libraries around the world. I then provide an overview of the genesis of the work in three phases of editing and the copies made. The number of copies is unusually large for such an extensive Yiddish work.</jats:p
Beer Sheva Footbridge, Rokach-Ashkenazi Engineers
No full text<p>The Beer Sheva Footbridge is a two-span lenticular truss bridge. The slender design and flexible piers cause several low frequencies in each of the three primary directions. In order to stiffen the bridge and still allow thermal expansion, a friction-based connection was designed which resists human induced vibration loads but slips under the large thermal loads. Stiffening the bridge in this way raised the frequency to 1.72Hz and lowered the participating mass to 24%. 6 TMD devices were designed for the bridge for vertical and horizontal vibrations.</p>
<p>On the eve of the 18th of June, all railway traffic was stopped and during a nightlong operation the southern span was lifted into place and welded to its supports. This span has a mass of 230 tons. The 430 ton northern span was lifted during a second operation and welded to its supports. Throughout the entire construction, the traffic was interrupted for less than 24 hours.</p>
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Markov’s Modeling of NPP I&C Reliability and Safety optimization of tool-and-techique selection = Марковское моделирование надежности и безопасности ИУС АЭС - выбора инструмента и техник
No full textKharchenko V. Markov’s Modeling of NPP I&C Reliability and Safety optimization of tool-and-techique selection / V. Kharchenko, O. Odarushchenko, E. Odarushchenko,
V. Butenko // Proceeding of Second International Symposium on Stochastic Models in Reliability Engineering, Life Science and Operations Management, 15-18 February, 2016. – Beer Sheva, Israel, 2016. – P. 328–336.Markov’s chains are widely applied in quantitative analysis of safety-critical systems. There are few roadblocks for greater ap plication of the Markov’s chains: accounting the additional hardware and software component (or FPGA) increases the model state-space and complicates analysis; the non-numerically sophisticated user may find it difficult to decide between the variety of numerical methods and tools to determine the most accurate for their application. Obtaining the high trusted modeling results becomes a nontrivial task. We present the metric-based approach for selection of the applicable solution technique based on the analysis of several Markov chain parameters. Three optimization criteria for informed tool selection were developed to support the decision-making between the wide set of applicable software. Presented approach and criteria are applied as the stepwise tools-and-techniques selection procedure that aims to reduce the risks, increase an accuracy and optimize time needed for Markov’s chains analysis. Paper presents the case study of reliability and safety assessment for industrial Nuclear Power Plant Instrumentation and Control system using the optimized tools-and-techniques selection procedure
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