24,378 research outputs found
Was bedeutet Freiheit für Sie?
Sie haben bestimmt diesen Satz auch schon gehört: Freiheit ist das höchste Gut. Ist es das wirklich? Was bedeutet Freiheit für Sie? Wann fühlen Sie sich frei? In der Sendung «Treffpunkt» philosophieren wir mit dem Publikum über den Begriff «Freiheit».
Diskussion mit Philosoph Martin Beckstein
In der Sendung «Treffpunkt» wollen wir mit dem Publikum unter anderem herausfinden, ob die persönliche «Entscheidung» der Schlüssel ist, um sich frei zu fühlen. Und ob Freiheit heisst, auch einmal Nein zu sagen. Gast in der Sendung ist Martin Beckstein, Philosoph und Politikwissenschaftler an der Universität Zürich. Ihn fasziniert das Thema schon lange.
Moderation: Michael Brunner, Redaktion: Sirio Flückige
Was bedeutet Freiheit für Sie?
Sie haben bestimmt diesen Satz auch schon gehört: Freiheit ist das höchste Gut. Ist es das wirklich? Was bedeutet Freiheit für Sie? Wann fühlen Sie sich frei? In der Sendung «Treffpunkt» philosophieren wir mit dem Publikum über den Begriff «Freiheit».
Diskussion mit Philosoph Martin Beckstein
In der Sendung «Treffpunkt» wollen wir mit dem Publikum unter anderem herausfinden, ob die persönliche «Entscheidung» der Schlüssel ist, um sich frei zu fühlen. Und ob Freiheit heisst, auch einmal Nein zu sagen. Gast in der Sendung ist Martin Beckstein, Philosoph und Politikwissenschaftler an der Universität Zürich. Ihn fasziniert das Thema schon lange.
Moderation: Michael Brunner, Redaktion: Sirio Flückige
Too hot for democracy? A reconsideration of Montesquieu’s political theory of climate
Zusammenfassung Montesquieus politische Klimatheorie findet in der Politikwissenschaft wenig Anerkennung. Sie gilt als abwegig. Wenn sie nicht ins Lächerliche gezogen wird, dann vor allem deshalb, weil sie in einer Tradition eurozentrischer und rassistischer Stereotypisierung und Rechtfertigung kolonialer Ungerechtigkeit zu stehen scheint. Eine Neubetrachtung Montesquieus Klimatheorie ist jedoch mindestens aus drei Gründen geboten. Erstens ist die Theorie komplexer und zweitens plausibler als gemeinhin angenommen wird. Drittens wirft sie interessante Fragen über die integrationswissenschaftlichen Herausforderungen politikwissenschaftlicher Forschung sowie den Umgang mit dem anthropogenen Klimawandel auf.Abstract Contemporary political theory often discards Montesquieu’s political theory of climate. It is generally viewed as misguided and potentially offensive due to its perceived associations with Eurocentric and racist stereotypes, as well as its seeming justification of colonial injustice. However, this paper argues that Montesquieu’s political theory of climate warrants a reevaluation for at least three reasons. First, the theory is more complex than is often believed. Second, it makes more sense than is commonly held. Third, it prompts intriguing inquiries about the challenges of integrating scientific findings from diverse fields and about implications of the human factor in relation to climate change
Political conservation, or how to prevent institutional decay
Sometimes established institutions aren’t perfect but cannot be replaced with better solutions. As technological, economic, ecological and other developments might indirectly further impair these imperfect institutions, non-change becomes normatively desirable and a practical challenge for legislators. In contrast to the progressive task of improving the established order, the task of preventing institutional achievements from being lost has been largely neglected by political theorists. To fill this lacuna, the article explores conservation as a mode of political action. It specifies the conditions under which it is reasonable to oppose institutional innovation in politics in order to keep things as they are and develops a formal solution to Edmund Burke’s ‘conservation paradox’ in which existing arrangements can only stay the same if they are changed. The solution construes political conservation as renovative reformism that adapts institutional structures, cultures or mechanisms to changing circumstances in order to prevent indirect transformations of institutional mandates
The Politics of Economic Life
In recent years, economic life has become increasingly politicized: now, every company has a ‘philosophy’, promising its customers some ethical surplus in return for buying their products; consumers shop for change; workers engage in individualized forms of employee activism such as whistleblowing; and governments contribute to the re-configuration of the economic sphere as a site of political contestation by reminding corporate and private economic actors of their duty to ‘do their bit’. The Politics of Economic Life addresses this trend by exploring the ways in which practices of consumption, work, production, and entrepreneurship are imbued with political strategy and ideology, and assesses the potentials and perils of the politicization of economic activity for democracy in the 21st century
The Cambridge Companion to Oakeshott by EfraimPodoksik (ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 386pp., £19.99, ISBN 978 0 521 14792 7
The dissociative and polemical political: Chantal Mouffe and the intellectual heritage of Carl Schmitt
In her more recent work, Chantal Mouffe enters into what she calls a 'dialogue' with Carl Schmitt on the political. So far, interpretations of this dialogue suggest that Mouffe attempts to revise Schmitt's friend/enemy-distinction and carve out a theory of agonistic pluralism. An interpretation on these grounds, this article argues, reduces the dialogue to its analytical dimension and cannot comfortably be upheld. Mouffe indeed appropriates Schmitt's friend/enemy-distinction, but she also gets inspired by the metatheoretical facet of his intellectual heritage with the result that her theory becomes organically interwoven with a polemical dimension. Rather than aiming at a post-structuralist defanging of Schmitt's conception of the political, Mouffe recontextualizes and applies it to the current academic discourse, for this allows decontesting her radical pluralist cause by establishing a we/them opposition along a political/post-political divide
Egalitarian political economy beyond market socialism. A comment on John E. Roemer.
On reflecting about the prospects of advancing the egalitarian cause in the United States, John Roemer makes the case for more traditional strategies than the coupon socialism model he advocated in earlier work. First of all, he suggests, an ethos of solidarity must be developed and the super-rich be subjected to higher taxation. This comment assesses this proposal. On the one hand it is discussed whether the ethos of solidarity Roemer calls for in order to counteract the culture of greed among American elites requires nurturing an undesirable culture of envy among the rest of the population. On the other hand it is considered whether the neoclassical principal-agent model—that Roemer believes must be contested in order to popularize a steep progressive income tax—might be one of the more promising tools to restructure the incentives of economic elites and curb casino capitalism
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