1,721,014 research outputs found
Some remarks on h-anticipation in Ancient Greek
This paper investigates the phonological tendency of Ancient Greek to anticipate word-internal aspiration to a word-initial segment (vowel, voiceless stop, or /w/). Special attention is paid to the relationship of this tendency with hiatus resolution. A close look at the philological data shows that several processes of h-anticipation should be distinguished: in particular, various kinds of perceptually-driven leftward migration of aspiration (sporadically lexicalized) must be kept apart from a later synchronic rule that moved h to the new onset when two syllabic nuclei coalesced. The hypothesis that the latter phenomenon could accompany not only vowel coalescence but other types of hiatus resolution as well, including elision and glide-formation, may provide explanation for some hitherto obscure cases. The results of this study also have implications for the theoretical discussion of sporadicity in sound change, as they could provide further evidence for the controversial category of phonetically-conditioned sound change with probabilistic conditioning
«In un mondo diverso / illuminato dagli ordigni». Un esempio di riscrittura poetica della Grande Guerra fra Tardoantico e XXI secolo
Recent Italian poetry has often treated the Great War through the filter of family memories, and through comparison with conflicts from different historical periods, including Classical antiquity. My paper concentrates on a notable example of this trend, the collection Mortalissima parte (2008) by Massimo Bocchiola. Ostensibly concerned with the general theme of war throughout human history, the collection is in fact dominated by memories of the Great War on the one hand, and by allusions to (Late-)Ancient and Byzantine historiography on the other. I analyse the role played by Latin- and Greek-language sources on both the structural and thematic level, discussing the different ways the author engages with his hypotexts. I conclude by comparing the use of Classics in this ‘secondary’ war poetry with that of British War Poets as studied by Vandiver (2010), and I try to motivate their diverging choices of themes and models
La focaccia impastata e il cibo dei beati. Una glossa di Arpocrazione e l’etimologia di μάσσω e μακαρία
The gloss μακαρία (Hesych. μ 103 L.) is often assumed to attest a root *mak- also found in the verb μάσσω, ‘to knead’. Another, fuller gloss in Harpocration (ν 8 K.), although neglected by recent scholarship, helps in clarifying that this word is actually a derivative of μάκαρ, ‘blessed’, referring to some kind of ritual bread or cake. A similar meaning is indeed still preserved in Modern Greek
Recensione a William Geoffrey Arnott, Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z, London-New York 2007.
Recensione al volume di W.G. Arnott, Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z, London-New York 2007
ἄθρους, ἀθρόους (Moer. α 33)
This article provides a philological and linguistic commentary on the forms ἄθρους and ἀθρόους, discussed in the Atticist lexicon Moer. α 33
The root of all gluttony
The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’
(Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kwendh-/*kwondh-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose – possibly already at the PIE stage – from *kwem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dh-e/o-. The present stem *kwem-dhe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is
typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kwendh-/*kwondh-/*kwn̥dh-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō
Attorno all’etimologia di τραυλός ‘bleso’, ‘balbuziente’ e al lessico dei difetti di pronuncia in greco antico
The Greek adjective τραυλός, ‘lisping, stammering’ has no widely accepted etymology. In this paper, I review the three competing solutions: connection with τραῦμα ‘wound’, either from an IE or a Pre-Greek root (as suggested by Frisk and Beekes respectively); phonosymbolic imitation of the speech defect itself (as suggested by Chantraine); derivation from PIE *ters- ‘dry’ (as suggested by Wackernagel and De Lamberterie). I then suggest a new proposal, accepting Wackernagel’s formal reconstruction *tr̥s-u-lo- but deriving it from PIE *tres- ‘to tremble’, arguing that it is semantically preferable, and can be supported by comparative evidence. On the other hand, I try to show that while Chantraine’s explanation cannot be decisively ruled out, it is made less compelling by the fact that τραυλός and its derivatives probably did not originally refer to the confusion of [r] and [l], but acquired this meaning only at a later time and only in medical writers
γήτειον, κήτειον (Philemo [Laur.] 357)
This article provides a philological and linguistic commentary on the forms γήτειον and κήτειον, discussed in the Atticist lexicon Philemo (Laur.) 357
Διόσκουροι, Διόσκοροι, Διοσκόρω (Phryn. Ecl. 205, [Hdn.] Philet. 44)
This article provides a philological and linguistic commentary on the forms Διόσκουροι, Διόσκοροι, and Διοσκόρω, discussed in the Atticist lexica Phryn. Ecl. 205, [Hdn.] Philet. 44
λάγνης, λάγνος (Phryn. Ecl. 155, Poll. 6.188)
This article provides a philological and linguistic commentary on the adjectives λάγνης and λάγνος discussed in the Atticist lexica Phryn. Ecl. 155, Poll. 6.188
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