1,721,043 research outputs found
Italian Political Science Review
No full textEditors: Fabio Franchino, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy; Amie Kreppel, University of Florida, USA (2020)
Founding Editor: Giovanni Sartori
Managing Editor: Camilla Mariotto, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy
Editorial Board: Eugenia Baroncelli, Università di Bologna, Italy; Giovanni Carbone, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy; Marco Clementi, Università di Pavia, Italy; Lorenzo De Sio, LUISS Guido Carli, Italy; Francesca Longo, Università degli Studi di Catania, Italy; Fortunato Musella, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy; David Natali, Università di Bologna, Italy
Dal 2019: Editors Martin Bull, University of Salford, UK.
Filippo Tronconi, University of Bologna, ItalyISSN: 0048-8402 (Print), 2057-4908 (Online)
Established in 1971 by Giovanni Sartori, Italian Political Science Review is acknowledged as the flagship publication of the Italian political science community, contributing greatly to its growth and development. Over four decades on from its launch, IPSR/RISP continues to publish high quality and original peer reviewed research by leading political scientists and the best young scholars, from Italy and around the world.
IPSR/RISP embraces all approaches to political science research, without restriction to any particular theory, method or topic. Whether theoretical or empirical, articles should seek to engage with current debates and disciplinary developments. Contributions are welcome from all subfields, including Italian politics, European politics, comparative politics, political behaviour, political theory, political economy, political methodology, public administration, public policy and international relations.
Publishing three fully English-language issues per year, IPSR/RISP employs a strict double-blind peer-review process
Quaderni di Scienza Politica
No full textFondata nel 1994, la rivista intende contribuire alla conoscenza sistematica dei fenomeni
politici in un’epoca di profonde trasformazioni. Ospita saggi e articoli di orientamento
teorico e indagini empiriche fondate su metodologie rigorose, sia quantitative che
qualitative; e stimola la riflessione sullo stato dell’arte nei diversi settori della scienza
politica mediante rassegne della letteratura esistente. Infine, la rivista promuove una
costante collaborazione con tutte le discipline (giuridiche, filosofiche, storiche, economiche
e sociologiche) che studiano la politica con criteri diversi da quelli della scienza politica,
oppure studiano fenomeni che, pur in sé non politici, sono rilevanti per una piena
comprensione della politica
Eclecticism and the Study of Delegation between Global Governors: The EU, the World Bank, and Trust-Funded Development in Sub-Saharan Africa
No full textThis article looks at the literature on the microfoundations of the global political space. It compares how selected insights from the public policy, International Relations and International Political Economy (hereinafter IR and IPE) IR-IPE literatures, respectively, fare in explaining the creation of the Africa Infrastructure Trust Fund (ITF), the first blending facility to finance development under EU leadership. Based
on previous research on the peculiar set of accountabilities between the EU and the World Bank, the analysis points to the conditional relevance of EU-, relational (interorganizational)
and systemic factors in the explanation of the ITF launch. It concludes that meaningful research on delegation between global governors should aim at further cross-fertilizing IR-IPE and public policy literatures and that, ultimately, eclecticism holds the highest potential to improve the understanding of aid policymaking in a global setting
The World Bank
No full textThe EU is collectively the largest donor to the World Bank, itself the prime multilateral development agency in the world. Yet, only EU MS are shareholders to the World Bank, and have seats at its Board. The Union is not a member and does not even have an observer status. The absence of legal standing may be the most evident reason why very little has been written on the EU’s role at the World Bank. Ambivalence in World Bank staff about the EU’s competence concerning development policies is, justifiably, patent (Baroncelli, 2009). Conversely, within the broader literature on the EU in multilateral institutions (Latikaainen and Smith, 2006; Jørgensen, 2009) a small but growing body of studies has focused on the role of the EU in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), where the EU has an observer status (Bini Smaghi, 2004 and 2009; Truman, 2006), plausibly favoured by the puzzle of a single currency union with multiple external representatives in monetary affairs. While some authors have analyzed the Bank jointly with the IMF (Woods and Lombardi, 2006; Faini and Grilli, 2004, 1), very few contributions have focused exclusively on the role of the EU at the Bank (Baroncelli, fortchoming). This contribution argues that there are in fact several reasons to take a closer look at what the EU does at the World Bank and with the World Bank, why it does it and, especially, how and how well it does it.
First, the sheer weight of resources devoted by the EU to promote development and eradicate poverty, both bilaterally and through the World Bank, has grown remarkably since the late 1990s. Second, at around 33 per cent over total voting at the Bank’s Executive Board, the combined votes that EU member states can mobilize through the World Bank’s constituency system far outweighs either the weight of the US quota or the 15 per cent required to form a blocking minority. Third, progress has occurred since 2003, when an informal consultation group (Eurogroup) was set up to coordinate the position of EU EDs at the Board on matters of joint European interest. In spite of the upgraded status of the EU at the UNGA, there does not seem indication of similar developments at the World Bank. What are the main reasons behind such gap between devoted resources and delegated authority? How has informal coordination served as a substitute for an enhanced role of the Union at the World Bank’s Board so far? How has their cooperation proceeded on the ground, in the light of the relevant changes that have occurred in development policymaking since the launching of the MDGs in 2000? This chapter looks at these issues under both theoretical and policy lenses. In line with recent IR studies on organizational change, it is argued that both institutionalist and constructivist literatures have much to contribute to answer such questions, and that their inputs into delegation and role theory, respectively, can provide useful tools to analyze and conceptualize the overall set of relations between the Union and the Bank. Furthermore, based on new empirical evidence, this chapter contends that neither of the two approaches can fully account for the multiple processes that result from the interaction between the EU and World Bank systems, respectively. Inputs from multilevel governance and development literatures are then factored in towards a better understanding of the cooperation between the EU and the World Bank, as a case of interaction between large multilateral organizations with overlapping memberships
The EU at the World Bank: Institutional and Policy Performance
No full textThis chapter investigates the main dimensions of the performance of the
European Union (EU) in the World Bank’s Executive Board, focusing specifically on
the institutional and policy levels, and suggesting potential approaches to explain the
EU’s field performance in World Bank–coordinated and multi-donor projects. Based
on a set of different empirical sources (interviews; documentary surveys on EU,
World Bank, and third-party documents), the article identifies the main determinants
of the variation in the EU’s performance, and provides inputs towards an overall
explanatory framework of the Union’s achievements at the World Bank
Il protezionismo di Donald Trump e la ridefinizione del sistema economico globale
No full textPresentata sin dalla sua campagna elettorale del 2016, la visione dell’ordine internazionale del repubblicano Donald Trump incorpora in un medesimo coacervo di intenti realismo politico, nazionalismo e unilateralismo. Sottesa alla concezione trumpiana della politica estera vi era l’idea che fosse nell’interesse degli Stati Uniti abbandonare l’internazionalismo e il multilateralismo della precedente amministrazione e adottare un corso di azione dogmaticamente aderente alle priorità nazionali. Adottando una prospettiva storica, la prima parte di questo capitolo analizza lo scarto tra retorica e contenuti di specifiche posizioni adottate dal presidente Trump, discutendo continuità e discontinuità nella sua politica estera ed approfondendo il tema delle matrici politiche del dell’unilateralismo alla base del nazionalismo economico della sua amministrazione. Successivamente il capitolo si concentra su obbiettivi, costi ed esiti della politica commerciale dell’amministrazione Trump, analizzando poi, sulla scorta di alcuni concetti-chiave dell’International Political Economy (IPE), le principali determinanti e caratteristiche del protezionismo trumpiano. Mettendo a confronto tali caratteristiche con quelle di precedenti ondate di chiusura commerciale nella storia degli Stati Uniti tra il secondo dopoguerra ed oggi, il capitolo prende in esame la rilevanza degli incentivi sistemici, relazionali e domestici alla protezione commerciale. La securitizzazione mercantilista degli scambi economici compiuta da Trump, e l’utilizzo sistematico della diplomazia commerciale come arma di politica estera, il capitolo sostiene, suggeriscono la singolarità del protezionismo trumpiano ma conducono ad una riflessione che va oltre la dicotomia continuità-rottura. Più in particolare, il capitolo discute la portata delle scelte commerciali dell’Amministrazione Trump, analizzandone le ricadute a livello bilaterale, regionale e sistemico. Il capitolo proietta infine le eredità del mercantilismo trumpiano in chiave futura, alla luce della piattaforma liberale e democratica del nuovo presidente Biden, per avanzare ipotesi sugli impatti di tale cambiamento sul sistema di governance delle relazioni economiche global
The Global Distribution of Trademarks: Some Stylised Facts
No full textThis paper provides the first empirical analysis of the global distribution of trademarks. It is based on a new dataset compiled by the authors from the statistical information published by the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO). The questions analysed include the distribution of trademarks among countries of different income levels, the share of trademark registrations accounted for by foreign residents and its variation across different income groups, the extent to which poor countries participate in the international trademark system, and the distribution of registrations across different sectors of the economy. The evidence presented in this paper is relevant for assessing possible welfare implications of changes in intellectual property protection and evaluating the role of reputational assets in determining international trading patterns
Trade Marks Protection, or Protectionism?
No full textThis paper explores the extent to which discrimination against foreign applicants in the trademark registration
process can be used as a “behind-the-border” barrier to imports. Prima-facie evidence shows that in
some developing countries the ratio of trademark registrations to applications is much higher for national
than for foreign applicants, which is consistent with the notion of discrimination against foreign firms. A
simple model is developed that suggests that incentives to discriminate are stronger when foreign firms
manufacture products that are close in quality to the goods produced by domestic firms. This hypothesis is
then tested and empirically confirmed in three of the four countries in our sample, suggesting that discretion
and discrimination in the trademark registration process can sometimes be used as a protectionist tool
Introduzione: Gramsci e le Relazioni internazionali
No full textCapitolo introduttivo alla curatela, suddiviso in quattro sezioni:
- Gramsci, le Relazioni internazionali e la Storia
- Il recupero del pensiero gramsciano negli studi di International Political Economy (Ipe)
-Ipe neogramsciana, rapporto interno-esterno e ruolo dei paesi in via di sviluppo
-Idee, potere e mutamento: i limiti dell'ortodossia coxiana e l'invito alla 'cross-fertilization' Dalla Prefazione al libro (G. Schirru): 'L'ampia e documentata introduzione di Mario Del Pero ed Eugenia Baroncelli, assieme ai riferimenti bibliografici contenuti nei singoli saggi, possono offrire al lettore gli strumenti per approfondire singoli aspetti della letteratura scientifica, o settori di analisi che sono rimasti maggiormente in ombra nelle nostre scelte.
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