1,720,990 research outputs found
A comparative study of two secretaries of state, John Foster Dulles and Henry Kissinger, measuring the effectiveness of their respective policies towards Israel
No full textThis thesis compares two American Secretaries of State, John Foster Dulles and Henry Kissinger, and their respective policies towards the state of Israel and the Middle East.
Dulles and Kissinger shared two goals - the promotion of the position and status of the United States in the Middle East, without compromising the relationship of the United States with Israel, and the achievement of an Arab:Israeli peace settlemet. The aim of this study is to measure the effectiveness of Dulles and Kissinger in the pursuit of these goals.
The first chapter provides a background to Dulles and Kissinger and their involvement with Israel before and after their tenure as Secretary of State. The second chapter examines the pro-Israel lobby and the State Department, as case studies, in order to illustrate how Dulles and Kissinger were not significantly influenced by state and non-state actors.
Chapter three provides a theoretical framework for examining the individual, before explaining how Dulles and Kissinger may be differentiated by determining their respective operational codes - a difference which largely accounts for their relative effectiveness. Chapter four summarisies, compares and contrasts Dulles's and Kissinger's respective era, philosophies and approaches towards Israel and the Middle East.
The study concludes that overall Kissinger was more effective than dulles in pursuing the stated goals, owing to his style, approach and operational code
Human rights in Southeast Asia: regional approaches to international challenges
No full textAsia is the only region without any form of region-wide mechanisms directed towards the promotion and protection of human rights. Review of official proposals and UN documents suggests that the course of setting up a regional arrangement for Asia is complicated by the diversity of the countries which form the region. This includes the different historical background and levels of political stability, economic prosperity, and social development. In light of this complexity and varied approaches to human rights commitment, this paper focuses on subregional initiatives as measures towards effective regional arrangement. It evaluates the prospect of promoting human rights in conjunction with a regional inter-governmental organization known as ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations).
Given that Asia lacks a political structure comparable to the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States, or the Organization of African Unity, the possibility of associating a regional or subregional human rights system with ASEAN represents an uncertain prospect. On the one hand, ASEAN's established framework of interstate relations, particularly in economic cooperation, may be used to facilitate dialogues in regional social and political concerns. On the other hand, ASEAN states' ambivalence towards international human rights norms and their position on traditional notion of sovereignty generate concern that a subregional arrangement may serve as a means of deflecting international pressure, forwarding entrenched interests of dominant elites, and lowering international norms.
Close examination of ASEAN's human rights position, ASEAN's institutional politics, and constraints of international human rights regime, demonstrate however that appeals to sovereignty and political alignment now provide less insulation for ASEAN states. Heightened awarenesses among regional countries of transnational issues that threaten regional stability (found in effects of the Asian financial crisis and socio-political unrest in countries like Indonesia and Burma), support subregional cooperation in comprehensive and cooperative security matters including human rights. In consequence, it is believed that there is a cause for cautious optimism that subregional efforts may contribute to an ongoing process of institutionalize human rights protection at the regional level
Anti-personnel landmines: an assessment of the political, security, and humanitarian considerations affecting a possible ban
No full textIn a five year period since the end of the Cold War, increasing attention was paid by the international community to the proliferation of anti-personnel landmines (APMs). With one in every three countries affected by uncleared APMs, alarming statistics regarding civilian casualties caused by these indiscriminate weapons, and approximately 100 companies and government agencies in 48 countries manufacturing over 340 different types of APMs, the challenges posed by the problem were immense. This paper examines the nature of the problem and asks what are the best solutions to solve this problem, operationally and politically. What role has New Zealand played in implementing these solutions? The consistent interplay between pragmatists and idealists, sovereignty and universality, and other aspects central to understanding the issue will be demonstrated. The different actors and solutions available represent the multifaceted nature of the problem which, even if solved by a total ban, will continue to cause devastation for decades to come
The end of innocence: child soldiers in Africa and international assistance
No full textOver 150,000 children under the age of eighteen fight in conflicts across Africa. Some are as young as five years old. Child soldiers are an increasingly common phenomenon in Africa's conflicts. They are not soldiers in the traditional Western sense, and do not normally fight in clear-cut territorial wars. They are abducted from their homes, forced to kill their family and community, are tortured and raped, and are subjected to brutal physical and mental trauma. This thesis introduces the concept of child soldiers, specifically in relation to an African context; it observes the approaches adopted by agencies in assisting child soldiers. It states the need for a contextual and holistic approach in order to understand the question of child soldiers, and for successful demobilisation, rehabilitation and reintegration programmes to occur. Chapter One examines the recruitment and existence of child soldiers, and the effects of conflict on children. It introduces different frameworks for appraising child soldiers, and stresses the need for a holistic approach. Chapter Two focuses on Africa and discusses the types of conflicts involving child soldiers, the effects of age, culture and initiation on child soldiers, and explores the unique features of African conflicts to better understand why children are embroiled in their prosecution. Chapter Three introduces international responses to child soldiers, while Chapter Four considers approaches to demobilisation, rehabilitation, and reintegration programmes and discusses the importance of taking cultural factors into consideration when designing and implementing such programmes
Jakarta's relations with Hanoi since 1965: a study in the foreign policy of Indonesia's New Order
No full textThis thesis describes the interactions between Indonesia and North Vietnam (or the Socialist Republic of Vietnam as it has been known subsequent to the re-unification of the north and south) since 1965.
The foreign policy, and the factors influencing it, of Indonesia's New Order are the focus of the study. More specifically, the uses of foreign policy instruments - as derived from the nation's available capability - are highlighted.
My thesis is that the New Order elite have become aware of the limited capability which the foreign policy of a developing country has, and that the objectives and tactics pursued in their relations with Hanoi have been based upon this fact
Ka hoku a ka pakipika: possible futures for Hawai'i and Hawaiians
No full textSince the Hawaiian Monarchy was overthrown in 1893 and Hawai'i was annexed in 1898 by the United States, the question of Hawaiian sovereignty and the future of Hawai'i has become a perennial one. For a time, the issue was obscured by questions of Hawai'i's status as a territory and then state of the United States of America. The 1960s and 1970s witnessed a reawakening of pride in culture and political consciousness by the Hawaiian people during the renaissance period. Since then there has been a proliferation of organizations and groups linked to Hawaiian sovereignty. Since the late 1980s, the sovereignty question has become a dominant feature of Hawai'i's political landscape. With a number of sovereignty organizations advocating distinctive sovereignty models, this thesis has examined the major models and assessed their feasibility as viable futures for Hawai'i and Hawaiians. Within this thesis and its examination of the models, the term sovereignty is employed flexibly to reflect its usage by the groups involved.
Three major sovereignty models are examined - independent statehood, nation within a nation and state within a state. Each is examined in terms of a conceptual framework, comparative experience of relevant polities, as well as application to Hawai'i and implementation of the model. Each model is assessed to determine how it might meet the needs of the Hawaiian people in the preservation and betterment of the people and culture, protection of their rights, and capacity to control their own destiny.
Both the nation within a nation and state within a state models are explored. They are found to possess territorial characteristics particularly in terms of a land base that, when applied to Hawai'i, potentially to render them unfeasible as mechanisms of self-governance. The idea of sovereignty-at-suffrance, that is the endowment of self-governance in each particular model is dependent on the continued benevolence of the United States, was considered both disturbing and unsatisfactory in meeting the needs of Hawaiians. The term in itself is a contradiction in terms since sovereignty is either exercised or not. A status that is qualified in these terms, that it is 'dependent on the continuing benevolence of the United States' ceases to be sovereign.
The independent statehood model was the preferred option of the thesis for Hawaiians. This would create an environment more conducive to the resolution of the problems and meeting the needs of Hawaiians. However, this would not prove sufficient alone, and a number of proactive measures would needed. The most prominent difficulty attached to this model would lie in its implementation, since it is unlikely that the United States will in either the immediate or near future allow Hawai'i to become independent. Yet, this was not considered sufficient cause to render the model unfeasible.
Intensive education of all of the peoples of Hawai'i is needed about how the independent statehood model might benefit them. In the end, any decision regarding the future of Hawai'i will affect not only Hawaiians but indeed all the peoples of Hawai'i. While Hawaiians look forward to the day when once again they may call Hawai'i their own, they must not create a new injustice
Mediation in the Republic of Congo: an African solution to an African problem?
No full textThe Republic of Congo has been wracked by violent conflicts since it became democratic in the early 1990s. The inability of the government and its citizens to adapt to the new political situation coupled with the extreme poverty faced by most of the population meant a power struggle was certain to ensue. This conflict was devastating in its effect on the civilian population and its features and dynamics are indicative of the newer type of warfare found in other countries all over Africa. Conflict management processes were conducted in the form of different international mediation attempts over a three-year period, but most failed in some way. It is obvious that conflicts of this nature do not lend themselves to conflict resolution practices of this nature, and as a result, traditional mediation methods are becoming more prevalent. This thesis examines the causes and dynamics of the 1997-1999 conflict in the Republic of Congo. It considers subsequent mediation attempts, both of an international and domestic nature, and investigates the successes and failures of these efforts. It states the need for a revision of current mediation practices and offers alternatives through means of traditional African mediation, examining whether the successful mediation outcome was an African solution lo an African problem. Chapter One introduces the background to conflict in the Republic of Congo, ranging from historical to contemporary elements, and the effect these had on the country and its people and politics. Chapter Two examines the conflict in detail, and discusses the failings of the state, the concept of militia, the features of the conflict, the involvement of outside countries, and the conflict's humanitarian effect. Chapter Three studies features of international mediation, and examines two international mediation attempts that were carried out, focussing on the successes and failures of each. Chapter Four introduces the features of traditional African mediation practices, and considers two domestic mediation attempts and their successes and failures. Chapter Five analyses the successful mediation attempt and the factors that made it so, and compares international mediation with traditional African mediation, finally discussing whether the conflict resolution was an African solution to an African problem
The environmental issue and the international influence of small states
No full textIn recent years many changes have occurred in the international system. Many of the old structures have given way to a more fluid network of international relations. This has been in part due to the kind of issues that have become salient.
This thesis argues that some of these issues, in particular environmental issues, may contribute to changing the way small states exercise influence. The premise is that environmental issues represent a unique set of issues. They have the ability to undermine the basis or assumptions upon which human society is operational.
Recent scientific evidence indicates that environmental degradation is reaching crisis point. Every day precious rainforests are logged down; every day groups of plant and animal species either become endangered or extinct; and every day the Earth warms further. If a concerted international effort is not made to combat these problems, the consequences could be beyond human repair.
The nature and global dimension of these issues requires that a new approach be used to combat them. They cannot be resolved by confrontational means which, evidence indicates, have exacerbated them. What is needed is international cooperation at a level hitherto untried. States need to coordinate their efforts to produce action that is effective.
Small states have an opportunity to improve their influence in the international system by facilitating this process. Many of the constraints that have traditionally hindered small states are now redundant. For example, the cold war no longer exists, this has resulted in a new international scenario. Small states no longer have to depend on bigger states to the same extent, in order to achieve their interests.
Indeed it might be said, that in some cases, small states have an advantage in the international relations of environmental diplomacy, particularly as regards their participation in international organizations. Environmental issues, as this thesis suggests, question the validity of the proposition that small state influence is a determinant of size. It may be related more to the issues concerned and their impact
An examination of the employment of early armed action by the Western states
No full textThis thesis will argue that early armed action (EAA), comprising anticipatory, pre-emptive and preventive attack, is an effective and legitimate part of the Western state's security strategies.'The West' is defined at length in the Conceptual Framework Chapter. Basically, the countries that compose it are the EU states, the United States, Canada, New Zealand and Australia. A thorough examination of this complex and multi-faceted subject faces many questions. Their analysis will illuminate how the Western states might correctly employ EAA as a security tool.
These questions include: Why has EAA become an important topic? What are the various levels of self-defence contained within EAA and what is the justification for resorting to each? What arguments exist for and against engaging in EAA? What are the historical precedents of EAA and what do they have to teach us about today's security dilemmas? What recent changes have made EAA a necessary and usable option? Why is EAA particularly appropriate and useful for the Western state's security strategies? What threats can be countered with EAA and what is their nature? Conversely, when is EAA not an appropriate option? What do international law and the UN Charter have to say about EAA? How might international law evolve to aid the West in using EAA to counter certain threats? What are the most appropriate ways of using EAA against those threats? Later this chapter previews subsequent chapters that describe how these questions are answered and conclusions
New Zealand's Aid: An Evaluation and Assessment of New Zealand's Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) to the South Pacific with Particular Reference to the Territories for which New Zealand has Continuing Constitutional Responsibilities
No full textThe issue of aid and dependence has never been more topical. Despite increasing levels of assistance, there continues to be a growing divergence in wealth between the North and South. The persistent inability of developing countries to solve the problems associated with poverty requires that a new approach to development be found.
Sustainable development is the current development catch word. Although this term is widely used and applied to development programmes there continues to be confusion about what it means in terms of development policy.
As a developing region, the South Pacific faces many similar problems associated with other under developed countries. Questions of aid dependence, environmental degradation and social instability are a few among many issues that challenge the region's developed and developing countries.
New Zealand's continued constitutional responsibilities and historical involvement in the South Pacific inevitably means many countries look to it for assistance and guidance in solving regional dilemmas. New Zealand, among other donors, sees aid as the primary tool in solving these dilemmas. Yet, previously poorly directed assistance has done little more than artificially inflate the living standards of many island states and increased aid dependence. This problem is particularly acute in the region's smaller island states
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