190 research outputs found
Andreeva, T. (2011). "Studies in the field of tobacco control: what kind they are and what they are for? Examples from Kazan."
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. (2011). "Studies in the field of tobacco control: what kind they are and what they are for? Examples from Kazan." Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 1(1): 1-10.</p>
<p>The paper reviews approaches expected to be helpful for researchers involved in tobacco control studies. Classifications of studies are discussed starting from most general ones and related to any studies in the field of health sciences and ending with more specific for tobacco control. Part of the paper is devoted to structuring study data and building its design, including outcome measures, determinants, confounders, effect measure modifiers and mediators. Significant place is devoted to evaluative studies. Examples mostly come from the papers of Kazan authors presented at the first and second conferences ‘Health of Kazan-city dwellers and tobacco’ and other sources the author relies on. </p>
<p><br>Key words: tobacco control, study model, study design, evaluative studies, outcome measures, determinants, confounders, effect measure modifiers, mediators. </p
Andreicheva EN, Andreeva TI, Ananjeva GA (2011) Medical students’ readiness to provide smoking cessation help.
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. (2011). "Studies in the field of tobacco control: what kind they are and what they are for? Examples from Kazan." Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 1(1): 1-10.</p>
<p>The paper reviews approaches expected to be helpful for researchers involved in tobacco control studies. Classifications of studies are discussed starting from most general ones and related to any studies in the field of health sciences and ending with more specific for tobacco control. Part of the paper is devoted to structuring study data and building its design, including outcome measures, determinants, confounders, effect measure modifiers and mediators. Significant place is devoted to evaluative studies. Examples mostly come from the papers of Kazan authors presented at the first and second conferences ‘Health of Kazan-city dwellers and tobacco’ and other sources the author relies on. </p>
<p><br>Key words: tobacco control, study model, study design, evaluative studies, outcome measures, determinants, confounders, effect measure modifiers, mediators. </p
A semiotic analysis of the short stories of Leonid Andreyev, 1900-1909
No full textThis thesis applies the techniques of semiotic analysis to a selection of short stories by Leonid Andreyev in an attempt to offer one answer to the problems of categorising Andreyev's unique art and placing it within a literary-evolutionary perspective. The semiotic method was chosen because of its ability both to assimilate literary texts to the supra-individual processes with which it works, and at the same time to delineate an author's particular contribution to these processes. Drawing on a range of literary theory from early Russian Formalism onwards, the study proceeds from one level to another according to a principle of "degree of abstraction", so that each level constitutes firstly an independent account of Andreyev's texts in itself, and secondly one stage in an overall analysis. The analysis at each level pinpoints, in its own terms, a series of semiotic tensions or clashes as being at the heart of Andreyev's literary system. Conflict within his stories between the principles of poetry and prose, metaphor and metonymy, 'discourse' and 'story' and between codes of allegory and codes of reference are among the major tensions highlighted. These tensions are in turn used to account for the fantastic element in Andreyev's stories (tension and ambiguity being the key features of Fantastic literature as defined by many literary theoreticians).The unique, Andreyevan version of the Fantastic is viewed as an index of Andreyev's position in literary evolution at a point of transition between an older, authoritative, transitive mode of narration and a more recent, non-authoritative mode which has come to dominate much twentieth-century literature. The final reference-point for all these tensions is demonstrated to be a shift in modern culture as a whole towards a more impersonal. Mythic thought-system, a shift at the centre of which the art of Leonid Andreyev can be convincingly placed. The material drawn upon includes, in addition to the corpus of Andreyev stories specified, a wide range of works by Andreyev's contemporaries and also the hitherto unexploited draft-manuscripts to a number of Andreyev stories held in the Hoover Institution, U.S.A.A Glossary of the most commonly used theoretical terms is provided at the end of the study
Andreeva, T. I. (2013). Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. I. (2013). Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 3(1), 57-58. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.735775</p>
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<p>Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union<br>Tatiana I Andreeva<br>Модели, объясняющие здоровье и болезни: неожиданности при взгляде изнутри бывшего Советского Союза<br>Татьяна Андреева<br>The review of anthropological theories as applied to public health by Jennifer J. Carroll (Carroll, 2013) published in this issue of TCPHEE made me recollect my first and most surprising discoveries of how differently same things can be understood in different parts of the world. Probably less unexpectedly, these impressions concern substance abuse and addiction behaviors, similarly to many examples deployed by Jennifer J. Carroll.<br>The first of these events happened soon after the break-up of the Soviet Union when some of the most active people from the West rushed to discover what was going on behind the opening iron curtain. A director of an addiction clinic, who had just come into contact with a Dutch counterpart, invited me to join the collaboration and the innovation process he planned to launch. Being a participant of the exchange program started within this collaboration, I had an opportunity to discover how addictive behaviors were understood and explained in books (English, 1961; Kooyman, 1992; Viorst, 1986) recommended by the colleagues in the Netherlands and, as I could observe with my own eyes, addressed in everyday practice. This was a jaw-dropping contrast to what I learnt at the soviet medical university and some post-graduate courses, where all the diseases related to alcohol, tobacco, or drug abuse were considered predominantly a result of the substance intake. In the Soviet discourse, the intake itself was understood as 'willful and deliberate' or immoral behavior which, in some cases, was to be rectified in prison-like treatment facilities. In the West, quite oppositely, substance abuse was seen rather as a consequence of a constellation of life-course adversities thoroughly considered by developmental psychology. This approach was obviously deeply ingrained in how practitioners diagnosed and treated their patients.<br>The second example and surprise of how important the explanatory models were was related to practice of tobacco control where media work is an established tool of proper communication and achieving advocacy goals. New insights closely related to those mentioned above came from papers by Michael Pertschuk and the Advocacy Institute (Pertschuk, 1988, 2001). The crucial idea of 'Framing the issue' was deeply rooted in distinguishing three approached to how smoking (along with other health problems) could be understood and presented to the public. The first one framed smoking as a problem behavior per se (which usually leads to blaming the victim similarly to how it happens with alcohol and drug users). The second and a less blaming was the frame of medical consideration. All people who used legal or illegal drugs were, from this point of view, doing so not because being immoral, but because having a biological defect - a chemical dependence. While this medicalization approach allowed exonerating the victims, it did not suggest a real way out. The third frame suggested taking into account the environmental factors which predetermine smoking (or other behavior) and formation of dependence. These factors included both the efforts of the tobacco industry to hook consumers and efforts of the state/government/society to protect its members from initiating and establishing addictive behaviors.<br>This was really an eye-opening experience as most, if not all public health problems could since be seen and presented as not just 'problems' but those accompanied by underlying causes and comprehensible solutions.<br>My third insight related to the previous two and the one consolidating them happened when I started teaching Health Promotion, which begins with the recognition of how differently health and health problems can be approached, namely as biomedical, behavioral, and socio-environmental issues (Promoting Health: Intervention Strategies from Social and Behavioral Research, 2000; Sheinfeld-Gorin & Arnold, 2008; Tones & Tilford, 2001). This understanding of different levels of causes that do not exclude one another but rather show them as proximal and distant ones is an essential idea found in social epidemiology (Oakes & Kaufman, 2006) which provides an additional way of looking at these differing discourses.<br>This example of different explanatory models applied to same health problems with emphasis on either proximal causes or on seeking distal causes of causes which results in different intervention strategies is just one illustration of how important theoretical framework may be. Other examples of contrasting paradigms that dominated in the former Soviet Union and in Western countries may include existence in the medical practice of certain pathologies, which are not recognized as such in other societies. Representatives of different specialties within the health science and practice may be aware of different similar examples, and their participation in the debate is welcome.<br>Obviously, integration cannot be fully achieved without verbalizing the paradigms behind the existing beliefs and without the reconceptualizing emphasized in the review. Some of the theories provide tools for such paradigm analysis. Unsuccessful efforts of health system reforms may result from the introjection of foreign concepts without real digesting, i.e. understanding their elements and following back to their roots.<br>About the author<br>Tatiana I Andreeva is affiliated with the School of Public Health, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.<br>Email: [email protected]<br>This paper was internally reviewed; submitted June 26, 2013, published June 29, 2013.<br>The author declares no competing interests.<br>References<br>Carroll, J. J. (2013). Key Theories from Critical Medical Anthropology for Public Health Research. Part I: Starting with Foucault: cultures of medicine and meanings of illness. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 3(1), 39-46. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.729258<br>English, H. B. (1961). Dynamics of child development: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.<br>Kooyman, M. (1992). The therapeutic community for addicts: intimacy, parent involvment and treatment outcome: Erasmus University Rotterdam.<br>Oakes, J. M., & Kaufman, J. S. (2006). Methods in Social Epidemiology: Wiley.<br>Pertschuk, M. (1988). Smoking control: Media advocacy guidelines: Washington, DC: Advocacy Institute for the National Cancer Institute, National Institutes of Health.<br>Pertschuk, M. (2001). Smoke in their eyes: lessons in movement leadership from the tobacco wars: Vanderbilt University Press.<br>Promoting Health: Intervention Strategies from Social and Behavioral Research. (2000). (B. D. Smedley & S. L. Syme Eds.): National Academies Press.<br>Sheinfeld-Gorin, S., & Arnold, J. (2008). Health Promotion in Practice: Wiley.<br>Tones, K., & Tilford, S. (2001). Health Promotion: Effectiveness, Efficiency and Equity: Nelson Thornes.<br>Viorst, J. (1986). Necessary losses: the loves, illusions, dependencies, and impossible expectations that all of us have to give up in order to grow: Ballantine Books.</p>
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SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: From Tetraalkylphosphonium Ionic Liquids to Phosphonium Ylides: How the Ionic Sizes Influence Carbon Dioxide Capture?
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SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION
From Tetraalkylphosphonium Ionic Liquids to Phosphonium Ylides: How the Ionic Sizes Influence Carbon Dioxide Capture?
Vitaly V. Chaban and Nadezhda A. Andreeva
(a) Yerevan State University, Yerevan, 0025, Armenia.
(b) Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University, Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation.
Corresponding author: [email protected].</p
Cloud database for soil information
No full textTitle: Cloud database for soil information Author: Olga Andreeva Department: Department of Software Engineering Supervisor: doc. Mgr. Martin Nečaský, Ph.D., Department of Software Engi- neering Abstract: The mere presence of scientific data is not enough. Reliable storage and ease of publication critically contribute to the data's usefulness. The Africa Soil Information Service's mission is to describe and understand Africa's soil and landscape resources. To ensure its accomplishment the introduc- tion of modern information technologies is essential - they provide the necessary means to safely store, easily share and analyse the information collected from soil samples and drone imagery. In the presented work we develop a system that will tackle one part of the problem - how to store the information extracted from soil samples. The current method that is employed by scientists consists of making a record on paper by hand in one of the books in the laboratory's storage room. Such system, of course, does not allow to easily share the data, it is prone to damages (e.g. in case of _re) and leaves little room for analysis (especially using methods from machine learning, which require a large set of digital data). By contrast our system, developed in the form of a web application, stores soil information in the..
Value of the individual components subject training gymnasts according to the survey of coaches with different skills
No full textPurpose : assess the significance of the individual components subject training gymnasts according to the survey of coaches with different skills. Material : two groups of coaches with different qualifications (n = 40). The first group of coaches -, experience from 1 to 10 years (n = 20); the second group - work experience from 11 to 25 years (n = 20). Gymnasts preliminary stage of basic training. Coaches are asked to answer 15 questions. Results : the content of questioning coaches gymnastics shows the relevance of the basic problems of technical training of young gymnasts (throwing and catching objects). The most difficult exercises in the training and improvement are throws and catches the ball (coefficient of concordance W = 0,814). The necessity of the development and use of new techniques for analyzing sports equipment exercises with the ball, learning and improving them. Conclusions : basic technical training and preparedness of gymnasts to perform exercises with objects represent a problem that is solved enough in theory and practice gymnastics
“Masha,” a Story by B.K. Zaitsev: Composition and Idea of Order of Estate Life
No full textThe article comprehends the structure of the story by B.K. Zaitsev’s “Masha” (1915) as a parallel development and non-linear comparison of two storylines dedicated to the love stories of the noblewoman Lisa and her peer, the peasant girl Masha. The author of this article explained the writer’s choice of the story’s title (after the name of the peasant heroine, which marks the semiotic shifts in the “estate culture” of the Silver Age). The article examines in detail the dichotomy of order / disorder, which substantially organizes the artistic world of the work. The research explores the ways of representing the “estate topos” and analyses the sociocultural connection of the heroines with the estate. The Kochki and Radishchevo estates described in the story are also characterized as two varieties of “estate topos” in Russian literature at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. There is a typological similarity between Liza Andreeva in Zaitsev’s story “Masha” and Liza Kalitina in the novel by I.S. Turgenev, Home of the Gentry (1858). It indicates Zaitsev’s reception of Turgenev’s characterological principles in the dual portrayal of the heroines. The article identifies and classifies the details of everyday estate life in Zaitsev’s story and highlights the author’s complex, ambiguous attitude towards characters leading a secluded estate existence
Arti stic and philosophic al symphonism in the M. K. Čiurlionis picture cycle «Sonata of the sun»
No full textАндреева Екатерина Андреевна, магистрант кафедры искусствоведения и культурологии, Южно-Уральский государственный университет (г. Челябинск). Круг научных интересов — синтез искусств, музыка и изобразительное искусство, симфонизм, творчество М. К. Чюрлениса. E-mail: [email protected]
Е. А. Andreeva, South Ural State University, Chelyabinsk, Russian Federation,
[email protected]В статье изучается художественно-философский симфонизм в живописном цикле М. Чюрлениса «Соната солнца». Раскрывается взаимосвязь средств художественной и музыкальной выразительности. Выявляется специфика симфонизма как творческого метода. Автор приходит к выводу, что его особенности проявляются в диалектическом становлении, развитии и взаимодействии частей живописного цикла. Это происходит за счет содержательных, тематических контрастов, их взаимосвязи, синтеза, а также динамики художественного и «музыкального»
развития. The article was written with the aim to reveal artistic -philosophical symphonism in picture cycle “Sonata of the Sun” of M. Čiurlionis. The author of article has brought out the interconnection of artistic visual and musical means of expression. A specific character of symphonism as a creative method is shown. The author concludes that the specific character symphonism of M. Čiurlionis lies in dialectical formation, development and interaction of the parts of the picture cycle. This is due to
content, thematic contrasts, their relationships, synthesis, as well as the dynamics of the art and the “musical” development
Carroll, J. J. (2013). Social and political embeddedness of approaches to health and illness: author
No full text<p>Carroll, J. J. (2013). Social and political embeddedness of approaches to health and illness: author's response. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 3(1), 59-60. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.735813</p>
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<p>Social and political embeddedness of approaches to health and illness: author's response<br>Jennifer J. Carroll<br>Dr. Tatiana Andreeva’s reflection (Andreeva, 2013) on the diversity of approaches to public health problems strikes very close to the heart of my own research. Her assertion that “contrasting paradigms [of public health] that dominated in the former Soviet Union and in Western countries may include … certain pathologies, which are not recognized as such in other societies” rings particularly true. I have been researching public health responses to HIV and IV drug use in Ukraine since 2007, and I have been involved in harm reduction efforts in my home country, the United States, since 2003. Throughout the last decade, I have sought to better understand how society’s perception of drug use (or, perhaps, I should say how different perceptions of drug use that emerge in different societies) shape social and medical responses to drug use and how those responses affect the lives of addicted persons.<br>Though she makes many points that are worth considering, I want to acknowledge, in particular, Dr. Andreeva’s observation that the medicalization of addiction serves to “exonerate” the individual drug user from certain moral and social responsibilities. This observation has been a key point of interest throughout the anthropological study of addiction in the American academy. From this observation, there are two important points to be made.<br>First, if we accept the idea that the disease concept of addiction frees addicts from some degree of moral responsibility for their actions (and I contend, in agreement with Dr. Andreeva, that this is fundamentally true), then we must acknowledge that medical approaches to human behavior, no matter how scientific and technological they may appear, accomplish concrete moral and ethical work. Thus, it is shortsighted to think about medical responses to human health and illness as something that can exist outside of social and moral contexts. In fact, scientific knowledge and medical technology are, themselves, part of the social fabric.<br>Second, if we, then, accept that medical science exists in the social realm and is not an a priori reality whose empirical soundness transcends human culture, then we must also acknowledge that moral and symbolic work must go into the formation of medical and scientific responses to health and illness as well. In other words, cultural forms and social structures can shape what we think empirical science and medical knowledge are in the first place. Not only are disease epidemics “fundamentally social processes” (Maher, 2002, p. 312), but the most fundamental medical and scientific facts about health and illness are also“the outcomes of social relationships … not transparent representations of something biological” (Koch, 2013, p. 142).<br>Very early in my graduate career, I was inspired by the following observation made by medical anthropologist Philippe Bourgois: “Even the best of intentions to help or to serve the socially vulnerable can also simultaneously perpetuate – or even exacerbate – oppression, humiliation and dependency of one kind or another” (Bourgois, 2000, p. 168-169). I interpreted Bourgois’ words as instructions for my own research. I have since then tried to bring to light the ways in which differences in social context creates different kinds of health, different kinds of illness, and different kinds of medical approaches to these issues. Dr. Andreeva, in her commentary, rightly observes “how differently the same things can be understood in different parts of the world.” For this reason alone, I believe that it is of great importance that we recognize the social and political embeddedness of the most dominant biomedical approaches to health and illness—particularly when these approaches are engaged in parts of the world that are far from their geographic and cultural origins.<br>This brings me the second of Dr. Andreeva’s thoughtful observations, which I would like to highlight here: namely, that “unsuccessful efforts of health system reforms may result from the introjection of foreign concepts without real digesting, i.e. understanding their elements and following back to their roots.” I could not agree more. While Bourgois’ observation is somewhat of a cautionary tale for health researchers (i.e., be careful of what you create, because it could have unexpected consequences), Dr. Andreeva’s words provide marching orders for the current generation of public health professionals. We work in a world dominated by powerful global actors (the WHO, the Global Fund, USAID, UNAIDS, etc.) who have the financial capacity to implement health reforms on a national, or even a global, scale; however, they do not always have the administrative or procedural capacity to critically evaluate their interventions within a social context or consider those interventions as social constructs.<br>This, I believe, is where local, critically trained public health experts are vital. Standardized health programs, no matter how standardized, can never be truly ‘technological fixes’ that are applicable anywhere regardless of context. We know very well that the same intervention cannot be implemented in the same way in all places, and yet talk of ‘internationally recognized standards’ has come to dominate so much dialog. Perhaps this global push towards the standardization of medical care and public health policy has hindered the critical reflection, innovation, and adaptation that are needed to ensure the success of larger health system reforms. This seems to be some obvious truth in this, and yet there remains a momentum in the world of global health towards doing things in the same way (treating addiction with methadone, controlling TB with DOTS, etc.) all of the time.<br>The question that Dr. Andreeva’s reflection anticipates, I believe, is this: how should we, as scholars, as researchers, as activists, as experts in our field, choose to engage with that momentum. Are the paradigms, etiologies, and logics of treatment promoted by international public health efforts a right fit for every local context? Do they seek the same ends and hold the same values? Rather than feeling obliged to promote the standardized agenda of a powerful international group, public health professionals deserve to practice their trade with greater intellectual and epistemological freedom, in a way that is not limited to a singular worldview. By considering the social construction of medicine and of public health practice, we can escape dominant paradigms, enter into new kinds of thinking with new kinds of concepts, involve new kinds of morality, engage with a flexibility of method and analysis that, instead of weakening our analytical approach, allow us to see, discover, understand, and innovate so much more than we could otherwise.<br>About the author<br>Jennifer J. Carroll is a doctoral candidate in the joint PhD/MPH program at the University of Washington, earning her degrees in Anthropology and Epidemiology.<br>Email: [email protected]<br>This commentary was received and published June 30, 2013.<br><br></p>
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