221 research outputs found
Economic Development and the World Trade Organization After Doha
No full textThe author analyzes what actions could
be taken in the context of the World Trade
Organization's Doha negotiations to assist countries in
reaping benefits from deeper trade integration. He discusses
the policy agenda that confronts many developing countries
and identifies a number of focal points that could be used
both as targets and as benchmarks to increase the likelihood
that WTO negotiations will support development. To achieve
these targets, the author proposes a number of negotiating
modalities for both goods and services-related market access
issues, as well as rule-making in regulatory areas.
Throughout the analysis, the author refers to the work of J.
Michael Finger, whose numerous writings in this area have
not only greatly influenced the thinking of policymakers and
researchers on the interaction between trade policy,
economic development, and the GATT/WTO trading system, but
also provides a model for how to pursue effective policy research
Food Aid and the WTO: Can New Rules Be Effective?
No full textA new Agreement on Agriculture from the Doha Development Agenda negotiations is certain to contain binding rules on food aid shipments. Negotiating parties are concerned that food aid has been used as a form of export competition policy, and they seek the use of coercive WTO legislation to prevent the disposal of surplus agricultural commodities as food aid. Current Uruguay Round food aid guidelines are contrasted with the most recent Doha Development Agenda proposals, and the prospective effectiveness of new rules is assessed. Food aid rules will be difficult to enforce within the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Understanding. Also, exogenous policy changes in donor countries are reducing the relevance of rules that target food aid as a means of surplus disposal. The future of international food aid governance in the event of a Doha Round collapse is also discussed.agricultural trade, development economics, export competition, food aid, WTO, Food Security and Poverty, International Relations/Trade, O13, O19, Q17, F13,
Special Treatment and Policy Space for the Developing Economies in the Multilateral Trade Regime
No full textThe contemporary multilateral trading system comprises members ranging from high- to very low-income countries; this range has a bearing on the operations of the multilateral trade regime. Presence of a large number of low-income members is the new systemic reality. Special and differential treatment (SDT) has operated for the developing economies, principally for the small, low-income ones, for many decades. The concept of SDT grew in three basic stages, on which this article elaborates. Theoretically this concept was meaningful and significant, but in reality it has not engendered substantial benefits to the intended beneficiary groups, the developing economies. The Uruguay and the Doha Rounds of multilateral trade negotiations (MTNs) reaffirmed faith in SDT. The Doha Development Agenda (DDA) was clear about reaffirming the importance of SDT to the multilateral trade regime and referred to it as an integral part of the WTO Agreement. During the Fifth Ministerial Conference in Cancún and the subsequent WTO meeting in Geneva in July 2004, small developing countries held together as the Group-of-Ninety (G-90). They made their presence felt in the Hong Kong Ministerial Conference as well. As SDT has not spawned large benefits for the target groups of countries, there is a pressing need to refine the concept. Academics and policy makers have debated over what future shape SDT should take so that it will be able to meet the expected goals. Taking these concerns into account, this article presents a comprehensive set of recommendations.International Relations/Trade,
The political Economy of WTO with special reference to NAMA Negotiations
No full textThe dissatisfaction of developing countries with the new Trade Round surfaced first in the WTO meeting in Seattle in autumn 1999. The Round was finally launched in Doha in 2001. Nevertheless, since the, the negotiations has faced with difficulties and deadlocks. The author argues that such difficulties are rooted in the economic philosophy behind the design of GATT/WTO rules and in their implementation by developed countries. The interrelated issues of conflict of ideology/interests and imbalances in the power relationship between developing and developed countries are the main cause of the inherent bias in the world trading system against developing countries. Such bias prevailed right from the time of the inception of the Breton Woods System as an alternative to the Keynes’s proposal and the Havana charter. The combination of these factors has been reflected in a number of contradictions, double standards and asymmetries not only in GATT/WTO rules in favour of developed countries and their large corporations. It has also influenced the negotiation of developed countries with developing countries during the so-called “Doha Development Round” The author refers to the particular example of negotiation on NAMA, in some details, to highlight inconsistencies between the objectives/spirit of the agreed text of the Doha Round and subsequent proposals made by developed countries. If these proposals were to be agreed upon they would limit policy space of developing countries necessary for their industrialization. It may, in fact, lock many of them in production and exports of primary commodities and at best, resource-based and assembly operations. He further argues that unless these asymmetries are addressed, there will be a great risk of the collapse of the international trading system with its adverse socio-political consequences for the international community. Drawing on the experience of successful early and late industrializers and the failure of recent across-the-board and universal trade liberalization, he proposes the necessary changes in WTO rules commensurate with industrialization and development.WTO, political economy, Non-agricultural market access, trade, trade policy, developing countries, industrial policy, trade negotiations
Knocked-down Agriculture After De-industrialization; Another Destructive Influence of Neo-liberalism
No full textKnocked-down Agriculture After De-industrialization; Another Destructive Influence of Neo-liberalism M. Shafaeddin* Abstract The author shows that although some short term factors have contributed to the recent food crisis in developing countries, the crisis is rooted mainly in agricultural support policies of developed countries, liberalization of the agricultural sector by developing countries and contradictions in the design and implementation of GATT/WTO rules. Agricultural liberalization has been imposed on lower-income countries by International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and through bilateral trade agreements between developed and developing countries. The Neo-liberal economic philosophies, as well as unequal power relations between developing and developed countries, have been main contributory factors. There is a danger that further pressure on developing countries during the Doha Round may result in an outcome undermining development of the agricultural sector of developing countries further. The result would be intensification of dependence of lower-income countries on food imports, knocked-down agriculture and economic and political dependence on developed countries. A radical change in the trading system, practices of IFIs and policies of developed countries is required. Developing countries have little power to bring about such changes, but they can try to change their own policies. To do so it is not easy to resist pressure from developed countries and IFIs, but it is absolutely necessary if they do not wish to sacrifice their long-term development and well being of their population. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------*. The author is a development economist affiliated to the Economic Research Institute, University of Neuchatel, Switzerland and international consultant in trade and industrial policies and management of competitiveness. He is the author of Trade Policy at the Crossroads; Recent Experience of Developing Countries, Palgrave, Macmillan and numerous articles on development policy issues in international journals Comments are welcome and can be sent to him through: [email protected], WTO, trade liberalization, food supply, international financial institutions
More favorable and differential treatment of developing countries : toward a new approach in the World Trade Organization
No full textThe authors discuss options that could be considered in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to provide more favorable treatment-so-called special and differential treatment (SDT)-to small and low-income countries. They argue that there is a need both for differentiation across WTO members and for steps that would benefit all developing countries. The authors suggest the following to make the Doha Round more supportive of development: 1) A binding commitment by industrial countries to abolish export subsidies and nontariff barriers (tariff quotas) and to reduce most-favored-nation tariffs on labor-intensive products of export interest to developing countries to no more than 5 percent in 2010, and to no more than 10 percent for agricultural products. All tariffs on manufactures should go to zero by 2015, the target date for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. Liberalization should also be undertaken by developing countries on the basis of a formula approach. 2) A binding commitment by industrial countries on services to expand temporary access for service providers by a specific amount-for example, equal to an additional 1 percent of the workforce-and not to restrict cross-border trade (for example, by telecom channels). 3) Unilateral action by all industrial countries to extend preferential market access for less developed countries, and to simplify eligibility criteria, especially rules of origin. 4) Affirmation by the WTO that core disciplines relating to the use of trade policy apply equally to all WTO members. 5) Acceptance of the principle that for small and low-income countries"one size does not fit all"when it comes to domestic regulation and to WTO agreements requiring substantial investment of resources. 6) Recognition that some WTO agreements need to be adapted to make them moresupportive of development, and a consequent willingness by industrial countries to modify them. 7) Expansion of development assistance to bolster trade capacity in poor countries and strengthening of the links between trade-related technical assistance and the mechanisms through which aid priorities are determined in developing countries. In practice, calls for specific types of SDT often appear to be motivated by a perception that a certain WTO rule is"anti-development"and that therefore developing countries should be exempted from the rule in question. The authors suggest that the appropriate solution to such problems is to change the rules rather than seek an opt-out. What should be up front changes in rules and what should be part of the negotiating agenda is a major issue which needs to be addressed at the Cancun Ministerial meeting. The suggestion that SDT should focus primarily on WTO rules and be limited to those countries that need it most-very small and poor economies-implies that criteria should be adopted to differentiate between countries. Leaving this to self-declaration-the current approach-is not feasible, while reliance on case-by-case, agreement-specific negotiation can generate excessive costs, discretion, and associated uncertainty. While the authors'preference is for a simple rule-of-thumb approach to determine eligibility, this is an issue that requires much more thought and discussion. They suggest that WTO members establish a high-level group to consider criteria that could be used for differentiation purposes and to determine the set of agreements to which differentiation will apply.Economic Theory&Research,Rules of Origin,Environmental Economics&Policies,Payment Systems&Infrastructure,Decentralization,TF054105-DONOR FUNDED OPERATION ADMINISTRATION FEE INCOME AND EXPENSE ACCOUNT,Economic Theory&Research,Environmental Economics&Policies,Poverty Assessment,World Trade Organization
Agricultural trade reform and poverty reduction in developing countries
No full textThe author offers an economic assessment of the opportunities and challenges provided by the World Trade Organization's Doha Development Agenda, particularly through agricultural trade liberalization, for low-income countries seeking to trade their way out of poverty. After discussing links between poverty, economic growth, and trade, he reports modeling results showing that farm product markets remain the most costly of all goods market distortions in world trade. The author focuses on what such reform might mean for developing countries both with and without their involvement in the multilateral trade negotiations. What becomes clear is that if those countries want to maximize their benefits from the Doha round, they need also to free up their own domestic product and factor markets so their farmers are better able to take advantage of new market opportunities abroad. The author also addresses other concerns of low-income countries about farm trade reform: whether there would be losses associated with tariff preference erosion, whether food-importing countries would suffer from higher food prices in international markets, whether China's WTO accession will provide an example of trade reform aggravating poverty by way of cuts in prices received by Chinese farmers, and the impact on food security and poverty alleviation.Payment Systems&Infrastructure,Environmental Economics&Policies,Economic Theory&Research,Trade Policy,Labor Policies,Environmental Economics&Policies,TF054105-DONOR FUNDED OPERATION ADMINISTRATION FEE INCOME AND EXPENSE ACCOUNT,Economic Theory&Research,Poverty Assessment,Trade Policy
Trade reforms, market access, and poverty in Argentina
No full textMuch of the literature that studies the relationship between trade and poverty in developing countries focuses on the effects of national trade reforms, such as own tariff reductions. In contrast, the World Trade Organization negotiations at the Doha Round were more concerned with the poverty effects on low-income countries, and of foreign reforms, such as the elimination of agricultural subsidies in industrial economies. The author empirically compares the relative poverty impacts of national and foreign trade reforms in Argentina. The author investigates national trade reforms, including tariff cuts on consumption goods and capital goods in Argentina. Foreign trade reforms include the elimination, in industrial countries, of agricultural subsidies and trade barriers on agricultural manufactures and industrial manufactures. Thesepolicies enhance the market access of Argentine exports. Overall, a combination of own reforms and enhanced market access would cause poverty to decline by between 1.7 and 4.6 percentage points. This evidence suggests that trade policies can be important poverty-reducing instruments in Argentina.Economic Theory&Research,Environmental Economics&Policies,Health Economics&Finance,Labor Policies,Payment Systems&Infrastructure,Environmental Economics&Policies,Economic Theory&Research,TF054105-DONOR FUNDED OPERATION ADMINISTRATION FEE INCOME AND EXPENSE ACCOUNT,Health Economics&Finance,Markets and Market Access
Impact of tariff reduction on exports: A quantitative assessment of Indian exports to US
No full textThis paper quantitatively assesses likely changes in market access opportunities for Indian exports owing to tariff reductions by the USA. The study identifies particular products for India at the ISIC 4-digit level of disaggregation, which could be considered tariff sensitive. Regression analysis of the relationship between MFN tariff rates and India's exports to the US was used to assess in quantitative terms the likely impact of tariff reduction that may be agreed in the Doha Round. This analysis suggests that tariff cuts are not expected to benefit India's exports to the US in a major way. With the full implementation of the Chairman's formula for tariff cuts, increase in India's exports to the US would amount to 1.2 or 0.6 depending on the value of the B coefficient in theChairman's formula. These findings are in all likelihood substantially due to the tariff diversion effect of NAFTA preferences in favour of suppliers in Mexico, which is a competing country in many traditional items. It is expected that reduction of MFN tariff would alleviate the trade diversion effect of the NAFTA.The study has also attempted to decompose changes in India's total exports due to tariff reductions in the US into the competitive and market effects. The analysis suggests that the increase in India's exports would be mainly due to the competitive effect. This leads the author to conclude that it is crucial for India to improve its competitiveness vis-a-vis its competitors in different markets.
Correction to: Feasibility of a virtual reality-based exercise intervention and low-cost motion tracking method for estimation of motor proficiency in youth with autism spectrum disorder
No full textFollowing publication of the original article [1], the affiliation of the author “Hisham M. Abu‑Rayya” was incorrectly published as “School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Doha, Qatar and School of Psychology and Public Health, La Trobe University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia.” The correct Affiliation is “School of Social Work, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel and School of Psychology and Public Health, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia.” The original article has been corrected. Author details 1 Developmental Neuromotor and Cognition Lab, School of Psychology and Public Health, La Trobe University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia. 2 Zuckerman Mind Brain Behavior Institute, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA. 3 School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Doha, Qatar. 4 School of Psychology and Public Health, La Trobe University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia. 5 HITLAB, Healthcare Innovation & Technology Lab, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA. 6 Department of Psychiatry, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA
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