1,722,280 research outputs found

    Il nemico nelle lingue slave : dal concetto di nemico come non-amico alla conflittualità privata e politica

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    Il saggio prende l'avvio da specifiche osservazioni di Carl Schmitt sul concetto di "nemico" nelle lingue slave e attraverso uno studio interdisciplinare, psicologico, linguistico e scientifico-politico cerca di spiegare le radici concettuali della conflittualità privata e politica e della contrapposizione amicus (inimicus)-hosti

    La resistenza armata dei Fratelli della Foresta in Lituania : una lotta di popolo

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    Il saggio introduttivo apre un volume pubblicato in lingua italiana, frutto della collaborazione con storici e scienziati della politica lituani e dedicato al caso studio - ancora pressoché sconosciuto in Italia a causa di una lunga rimozione - della guerra partigiana lituana contro l'occupazione sovietica, dal 1944 al 1953, protrattasi in forma sporadica fino al 1956. Accanto ai rilevanti fattori storici che questo caso chiama in causa, l'introduzione cerca di far notare le rilevanti ricadute in termini teorici che questo volume solleva: dalla questione dell'irregolare nella teoria del partigiano, all'eccezione della guerra partigiana di guerriglia "in divisa", alle differenze rispetto alla teoria della "guerra rivoluzionaria", alle questioni legate al primo periodo della guerra fredda (ibernazione totale del diritto internazionale), a quelle relative all'autodeterminazione nazionale e alle guerre di liberazione in generale. Attraverso il caso studio della drammatica resistenza armata di tutto un popolo in Lituania, inoltre, il saggio introduttivo mette in luce aspetti spesso trascurati della teoria del totalitarismo novecentesco, valutando cause ed effetti di quella lotta di popolo, finalizzata a paralizzare deportazioni forzate, un genocidio inarrestabile e la distruzione dell'intera vita civile di un Paese d'Europa dalla ricca storia plurisecolare

    L'edizione italiana de L'Azione Umana di Ludwig von Mises : un caso editoriale

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    The article examines how the seminal work of the Austrian School literature’s Human Action - written by Ludwig von Mises in 1949 - was presented to the Italian public through the translation of Publishing House UTET, Turin 1959. This translation, conducted on the basis of the first American edition and therefore deprived of updates (especially of the core paragraph on corruption), is full of mistakes, misinterpretations, and inaccuracies, influenced by prejudices. Moreover, it lacks a critical apparatus, contains a slipshod foreword and is still the only existing in Italy. The Author shows how the evident dependence of this edition on a tradition too far from classical liberalism takes the responsibility for all misunderstandings and is unable to properly explain the significance of Mises in economic, social and political theory, preventing Italian public from understanding of his work which is particularly relevant in contemporary times

    Il complesso ruolo della violenza nell'interminabile dissoluzione degli Stati territoriali plurinazionali. Un confronto fra Jugoslavia, Impero sovietico e Russia contemporanea

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    The collapse in different ways of some multinational states at the end of the twentieth century (empires or micro-empires and ap-parent federations) prompted questions about the role that violence played in their disintegration. While some states have experienced peace-ful separations (Czechoslovakia), others, such as the former Yugoslavia and only to a small extent the Soviet Union, have sought to violently hinder political-territorial disintegration, escalating violence and repres-sion to the extent of democides, genocides, ethnic cleansing, mass slaughter, and population displacement. This paper, developing personal reflections of the author and at the same time using a factual and theo-retical analysis, aims to compare three case studies of disintegration (Yu-goslavia, the Soviet Empire and contemporary Russia), seeking to identi-fy the main factors (ideal and material) that stimulated, or conversely re-strained, the use of violence in the course of disintegration. Indeed, these very factors may provide insight into whether those processes of disinte-gration have come to a halt or still underlie a long ongoing disintegrative phenomenon that former imperial centers are striving to stop with vio-lence. While the degree of the latter may be limited and “settling” in the former Yugoslavia, contemporary Russia's attempt to restrain the long post-imperial disintegration for years has been involving a shift to open violence - that could affect even the internal dimension - along the lines of what occurred in Yugoslavia in the 1990s

    At the roots of political legitimacy: rhetoric and persuasion in the use and denial of history

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    The paper is a study of the rhetoric and the language of persuasion used in written historical documents as well as in everyday political discourse. The author emphasizes that the construction of historical narratives is an interdisciplinary issue, since to be studied it implies the use of the typical tools of Memory Studies, Political Science, International Relations, Media Studies, Sociology and Linguistics

    La Russia e gli anni Novanta. Una primavera dimenticata

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    На Западе все труднее говорить о годах кризиса Советского Союза, о том какие процессы там были запущены, о поворотном моменте 1991 года, о людях, которые участвовали в нем лично, со своими надеждами, своим мужеством, своими иллюзиями и своими страхами. Однако и говорить о 1990-х годах в России с надеждой быть понятым тоже сложно. На самом деле, это эпоха, которая сейчас кажется далекой по сравнению с тем, что про- изошло в 2000-х годах, эпоха, значение которой даже ученые уже не могут оценить и просто описывают ее в крайне негативных тонах. Таким образом, снова возвращаются грубые и повторяющиеся стереотипы о России, о ее «самодержавной судьбе», о том, что русский народ «неспособен к самоуправ- лению» и обновлению, является носителем «судьбы рабства», отягощенной «неизменным» характером, описанным еще маркизом Астольфом де Кюсти- ном в XIX веке. Тем не менее эти годы содержат очень разные и полезные указания и инструменты для осмысления истории и политической эволю- ции постсоветской России. Эти годы, которые также можно назвать «весной России», были плодом длительного процесса, полного попыток обновления и энтузиазма, который дал русскому народу новое достоинство — наряду с другими народами Союза и на одном уровне с ними — и гордость за вновь обретенное достоинство после десятилетий унижения. Задержка обновления, хаотично начавшегося в те годы, благоприятствовала и продолжает благопри- ятствовать поспешным интерпретациям и стереотипам, далеким от истины. Пройденный путь от национализма до «синдрома потери империи», от одер- жимости внутренней безопасностью до сложных отношений между госу- дарством и обществом, до неспособности консолидировать федеральную структуру — все эти элементы способствовали созданию искаженного образа современной российской истории, который как бы вычеркивает пят- надцать лет жизни, что были полны потенциала и кардинально отличались от того, как их сейчас описывают. Идя против течения в своей оценке тех лет, очерненных и часто неправильно трактуемых, автор статьи также опира- ется на свой личный опыт более чем трех десятилетий изучения и прожива- ния в России и непосредственного участия в событиях, которые переживала страна на рубеже тысячелетий.In the West, it is increasingly difficult to talk about the years of the crisis of the Soviet Union, about the processes that they set in motion, as well as the turning point of 1991, the people who participated in it firsthand, with their hopes, their courage, their illusions and their fears. Moreover, it is also difficult to talk about the 1990s experienced in Russia with any hope of being understood. Indeed, this era now seems light-years away, in the face of what has happened since the 2000s. Even scholars can no longer grasp its meaning and simply end up describing it in heavily negative tones. Thus, the rough and repetitive stereotypes about Russia, about its “autocratic destiny,” about the Russian people being “incapable of selfgovernment” and renewal, the bearers of a “destiny of servitude,” burdened with the “unchanging” character already described by the Marquis Astolphe de Custine in the 19th century, easily prevail. However, in spite of that, those years contain very different and useful insights and tools for reading the history and political evolution of post-Soviet Russia. Those years, which may be called the “Springtime of Russia,” were the fruit of a long process full of attempts at renewal and enthusiasms that gave a new dignity to the Russian people — alongside and on the same level as that of the other peoples of the Union — and the pride of a regained belonging, after having been humiliated for decades. The brakes on the renewal that begun chaotically in those years have favored and are favoring hasty interpretations and stereotypes. From nationalism to the “loss of empire syndrome,” from the obsession with internal security to the difficult relationship between state and society, to the failure to consolidate a federal structure, all these elements have contributed to fostering a distorted image of contemporary Russian history. The image that forgets fifteen years of life that were full of potential and quite different from how they are portrayed. Going against the mainstream in judging those years — denigrated and often misunderstood — the article’s author also draws on personal experience from more than three decades of exploring Russia and participating directly in the events the country experienced at the turn of the millennium

    The Italian League of The North Since 1979: Genesis And Prerequisites For Creation Of A Regionalist Actor

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    The paper examines the political life of contemporary Italy. The origins, political background, and political activities of the League of the North are examined by the author. The League of the North is a political party founded in 1979 by Umberto Bossi; the original aims of the League were stated as a regionalist aspiration to make the Italian north autonomy in order to develop it as an advanced region. The very name of the new political organisation carries a clear meaning, referring back to the times of the Italian Middle Ages: Umberto Bossi pointed to the symbolic link between the movement he led and the historical 'League', which began in April 1167, when the communes of northern Italy (Milan, Lodi, Cremona, Brescia, Bergamo, Piacenza, Parma, Bologna, Modena, Verona, Venice, Padua, Treviso, Vicenza, Mantua, and Ferrara) decided not to submit to the "despot" Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa and united in the "Lombard "League", taking an alliance oath in the monastery of Pontida, where the historic meetings of the political movement are still held
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