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Presente lungo e presente breve nella romaní: evidenze dialettali e funzionalità originaria di un’opposizione
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Così vicini, così lontani : i parlanti romanì e la scuola
No full textThe article contains a reflection about the situation of the Romani language in the Italian law, society and school. Despite of its significant number of speakers Romani in Italy is not officially recognized as minority language and also in the schools very few attention has been paid so far to the linguistic identity and specificity of Romani speaking pupils. The author develops some considerations about the status of Romani in Italy with particular reference to the problems of the linguistic education of Romani speaking students and of the linguistic upgrading of Romani in the Italian society and school
Propagginazione e romanì d'Abruzzo : un caso di importazione di regola fonologica
Full text linkLa propagginazione di /u/ è un fenomeno descrivibile come lo sviluppo di un’emergenza fonica non etimologica [w], interpretabile in certi casi come approssimante, in altri come parte di un’articolazione secondaria, innescata dalla presenza, in una sillaba contigua, di una vocale alta. Tale fenomeno è ben documentato nei dialetti dell'Italia meridionale, dove appare recessivo ovunque e ormai distribuito a macchia di leopardo. La romanì d'Abruzzo ha importato questa regola fonologica dai dialetti abruzzesi e ora essa viene applicata nella romanì anche a unità fonologiche e contesti non disponibili o non sensibili alla regola nel modello abruzzese. Ciò mostra come l'importazione di tale regola fonologica non sia basata su un'induzione di regola nata da prestiti, ma su un'applicazione diretta della regola abruzzese alla romanì da parte dei parlanti bilingui.Propagation of /u/ is a phenomenon which can be described as the insertion of a non-etymological [w], sometimes to be interpreted as the second part of a complex articulation [...w], after the onset of a syllable, when the preceding syllable, within the phonological word contains /u/. Such a phenomenon is well documented in the dialects of Southern-Italy, however it seems to be recessive and geographically scattered. Propagation of /u/ represents an active phonological rule in Abruzzian Romani as well, where it has been borrowed from Abruzzese. Interestingly in Romani the rule affects also phonological units and phonological contexts which are unknown to Abruzzese. This fact shows that the rule acts on phonological features and not on phonological units and that it has not been borrowed via lexical loanwords, but simply applied by bilingual speakers both to Romani and to Abruzzese, i.e. to the two branches of their linguistic repertoire
La flessione dell’imperfetto nella romaní d’Abruzzo e la sua genesi
No full textThe inflection of the imperfect in Abruzzian Romani and its genesis. The unusual inflection of the imperfect tense
in Abruzzian Romani has been repeatedly pointed out. As correctly suggested by Yaron Matras and Viktor Elšík the
remoteness morpheme -sənə, one of the two morpheme variants that characterize Abruzzian Romani imperfect (and
pluperfect), can be compared with the remotness marker -sine, that we find, for example, in the Romani dialects
spoken by Arli groups in the Balkans, and originates from the 3s of the past tense of the copula, which has been
grammaticalized as a tense marker. The process of grammaticalization of the past 3s of the copula as a morpheme
indicating remoteness is ubiquitous in Romani, but the more common outcomes are forms such as -ahi, -as, -a, -e
usually traced back to Middle Indo-Aryan īsā/īsā ‘(he/she/it) was’. In the case of Abruzzian Romani the remoteness
morpheme has two variants -sənə and -sa. The article aims to reconstruct the genesis of both variants and, more in
general, of the inflectional pattern of imperfect (and pluperfect) displayed by Arbuzzian Romani. By means of a
comparison with other Romani dialects it is possible to outline the path of evolution that produced the innovative
inflection of the imperfect in Abruzzian Romani and to propose an etymology for the remoteness morphemes -sənə and
-sa. Moreover, starting from this specific case study a new form *sasi can be proposed for the Proto-Romani past 3s of
the copula. Besides being interesting for Indo-Aryan diachronic linguistics, the remoteness morpheme of Abruzzian
Romani, and more in general of Romani, is noteworthy also from a structural point of view, especially for being placed
after the person/number morpheme. Finally, also its current content, limited to tense information, deserves attention
in diachronic perspective. In fact the past 3s of the copula, which Romani remoteness morpheme is historically based
on, in its evolution path has lost every context inflection content and has preserved only tense content, i.e. only an
inherent inflection feature. Such an innovation originates from a language change that implies a process of
grammaticalization, but can be described also as a moving back along the cline of grammaticality, in other words as a
process of degrammaticalization. In the complex genesis of Romani remoteness morpheme different and only
apparently opposite processes of innovation seem to coexis
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