7,996 research outputs found
'Unravelling the Duty': Lean�s Engine Reporter and Cornish Steam Engineering
steam, Cornish, engineering
Linguistic Relativity and Linguistic Determinism: Idiom in 20th Century Cornish
It has been understood for decades that language and thought are closely
related. If one accepts that the thoughts that we construct are based upon
the language that we speak and the words that we use, then it follows that
the language that we speak influences the way that we think. It is necessary
that we possess the words to describe objects, processes and conditions, in
order that we are able to think about them. The world is percieved in different
ways by different cultures, and culture is, to some extent at least, shaped by
language.
During the course of the 20th century, the Cornish language has undergone a
revival. Though estimates understandably vary, the speakers of Cornish
today are usually thought to number several hundred. Cornish is currently
being used by its speakers in home life, socially outside the home, in the
work place, and for public ritual, ceremony and church services. In the world
of business, there are now shops that will sell to you in Cornish or sign, label
and brand their goods in Cornish. It is also being used in the arts and in the
media.
This emergence of a Cornish speech community has entailed the adaptation
of the Cornish language to the needs of the world in which its speakers live
today. Whilst revived Cornish is based on historical Cornish, it has, thus,
been necessary for the Cornish language to evolve. Many neologisms have
emerged. Although the English language has inevitably had some influence
in this process, 20th century Cornish retains its particular world view in the
way that its structures its vocabulary
Quality Control Supervisor, Vera A. Cornish
Seabrook Farms Quality Control Supervisor, Vera A. Cornish
Cornish Bagpipes: Fact and Fiction
The Cornish bagpipe Pyba is closely connected to the music revival in Cornwall, UK, which started in the late 1970s. Belonging to one of the six so-called Celtic nations - alongside Ireland, Scotland, Wales, the Isle of Man and Brittany - the Cornish revivalists were eager to promote Cornwall’s music as Celtic rather than English. They saw the bagpipe as a particularly Celtic instrument, which would legitimise their claim for a unique musical Cornish heritage and might promote Cornwall’s Celticity at parades on local feast days and at Interceltic Festivals
Persistence of Difference: a History of Cornish Wrestling
The aim of this study was to provide an historical analysis of Cornish wrestling and in particular to address the following key questions: How has Cornish wrestling developed as a sport? Why is Cornish wrestling ‘different’? Why has Cornish wrestling survived? It was argued that in order to provide an adequate historical analysis it was necessary to locate the sport within an appropriate and relevant conceptual framework. Two fields of enquiry were identified as having the potential to provide this; mainstream British sport history and the ‘new Cornish Studies’. The main ideas and debates that form the basis for these two areas were reviewed and it was argued that British sport history offered only a partial interpretation for the history of Cornish wrestling as the evidence suggests it is different from other sports. It was further argued that with its emphasis upon ‘difference’ the ‘new Cornish Studies’ in general and Payton’s ‘centre-periphery model’ in particular offers a more appropriate conceptual framework, which is also rooted in a relevant local context. Payton developed his model to answer a number of questions relating to Cornwall’s distinctiveness: Why is Cornwall ‘different’? Why has this persisted? Why is there a strong sense of ‘Cornishness’ and separate identity which has survived until today? He concluded that Cornwall’s ‘difference’ has persisted because of its historical experience, which in each period has been distinct from other areas of Britain and has led directly to a unique identity. In Payton’s model, the privileged ‘centre’, which is the location of power and influence, is based largely in London and the south-east of England; whereas the ‘periphery’ is geographically remote from the ‘centre’, but dependent upon it. Payton proposed three phases of peripherality: ‘First’ or ‘Older Peripheralism’, characterised by geographical and cultural isolation from the centre; ‘Second Peripheralism’, which recognises the central importance of industrial change, producing economic and social marginality and ‘Third Peripheralism’ characterised by a ‘branch-factory’ economy promoting a process of ‘counter-urbanisation’. The structure of the thesis follows the phases of peripherality and argues the evidence is consistent with Payton’s ‘centre-periphery model’. The evidence also demonstrates that Cornish wrestling is ‘different’ and that ‘difference’ has persisted over time because of Cornwall’s historical experience, which in each period of peripherality has been distinct. Furthermore, throughout the entire period of the study, Cornish wrestling has been, and still remains, an important icon of Cornishness, which has ensured its survival
Cornish Agricultural Races, August 13, 1931
Score card from the Second Day of the Cornish Agricultural Association races, Cornish, Maine, August 13, 1931. First Day races include the 2.19 Class Trot or Pace; 2.16 Class Trot or Pace; and Free-For-All. Score card includes Guy Kendall\u27s handwritten notes about scratches and a additions as well as race results. Kendall also noted that it rained during the event
Cornish Agricultural Races, August 11, 1931
Score card from the First Day of the Cornish Agricultural Association races, Cornish, Maine, August 11, 1931. First Day races include the 2.13 Class Trot or Pace; the 2.22 Class Trot or Pace; and the 2.21 Class Trot. Score card includes Guy Kendall\u27s handwritten notes about scratches and a additions as well as race results
Forgotten, Manipulated, Created: Archiving Cornish Music
With Kresen Kernow (the largest combined archive of Cornish records and documents) opening in 2019, as well as the recent completion of three PhD theses on music in Cornwall and music in the Cornish diaspora (2011, 2017, 2018), there is growing momentum behind the development of a dedicated archive of Cornish music. The current incarnation of this ambition is built on the holdings of the now defunct Cornish Music Guild (a charitable organisation that collected and researched Cornish music), which were recovered by a group of researchers and musicians from uncatalogued storage in 2015. This collection is now held by Kresen Kernow as the Cornish Music Archive.
The aim of the Cornish Music Archive’s initiators is to build upon this foundation by digitising the current contents, and continuing to collect material, eventually making them freely accessible for researchers and musicians. However, given Cornwall’s complex and contested constitutional and political situation within the UK, its strong identity as a Celtic nation, and the aim of some cultural ambassadors to present Cornish music as separate and distinctive from other British music styles, many questions remain regarding the archive’s remit.
In this joint paper, the authors reflect on the background of this project, and explore a number of questions regarding its future, including: why is there a need for an archive of Cornish music? Is calling it a Cornish National Music Archive problematic? What range of musical genres could – or should – be included? Who should be involved with this archive? How should newly-composed Cornish tunes and songs of various styles be treated, given their prominent role in contemporary musical representations of Cornish identity? This exploratory paper is proposed with the suggestion of an extended discussion section to enable debate regarding the identification, preservation – and potentially creation – of Cornish music as intangible cultural heritage
Cornish Agricultural Fair, August 30, 1932
Score card from the First Day of the 26th Annual Cornish Agricultural Association Fair races, Cornish, Maine, August 30, 1932. First Day races include the 2.18 class Trot; the 2.22 Class Trot or Pace. Score card includes the names of race officials Joseph Farwell, starter; Dr. H. S. Irish, presiding judge; M. F. Smith, clerk. Entertainers for the event were The Original Katahdin Mountaineers. Score card includes Guy Kendall\u27s handwritten notes about scratches and a additions as well as race results
Visions of Cornish Trad Dances
Growing out of the Celto-Cornish political movement in the 1980s, the Cornish Dance Revival was designed to be a Celtic rather than an English Revival. Encouraged by the organisers at the Pan-Celtic Festival in Killarney, Ireland, the Cornish revivalists started to conduct fieldwork in Cornwall and collected dance material of people who were mainly in their eighties at the time of collection. The few steps and movements the revivalists recorded were then reconstructed based on written sources, oral descriptions and contemporary social dances of other Celtic places, and a corpus of about 40 Cornish dances was established that allowed dancers to perform ‘Cornishness’ on stage.
However, around the year 2000, a couple of younger musicians felt restricted by this limited number of Cornish dances and the thereof resulting small musical repertoire. The impossibility of musical variation and improvisation during non-performative Troyls (dance-nights) was lamented. Therefore, these musicians decided to create a new form of Cornish dancing that would permit more musical freedom and modelled this new concept Nos Lowen on the Breton Fest Noz movement. This paper investigates how this second revival movement transformed the former movement material in order to create a new form of Cornish dancing, and analyses how this process changed the relationship between musicians and dancers during dance-nights
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