52 research outputs found
Lessons from the CBI Theater, 2d Command Class, 21 June 1946.
No full textThe problem: to present to the 2d Command Class orally some of the more important lessons to be learned from operations in the China-Burma-India Theater; and to present the above as an extra-curricular activity, without benefit of any scheduled period for research or preparation, utilizing such spare time as may be found while pursuing the regularly scheduled sub-courses, relying chiefly for source material on the personal knowledge, acquired during actual assignment to the CBI Theater, of the members of the committee. Appendixes include: United States relations with the national government of China; South East Asia Command; lessons from ground force and overland supply operations; air activities in the China-Burma-India Theater; 14th Air Force and 20th Bomber Command operations in China; military plans for postwar China; conclusions; charts and slides used in presentation; and organization of committee
Is sea-basing a viable method of providing logistic support to the UK amphibious force?
Get PDFMaritime power has traditionally been a central part of the UK’s defence planning and is well
suited to supporting a wide range of military operations. The littoral area has always created
problems for naval planners as most landings historically have had to endure a tactical
separation of the naval and land components, and hence an artificial seam between the Navy
and the Marines. With the end of the Cold War, amphibious operations are going to be more
difficult to conduct than in the past, and amphibious forces are going to have to adopt
manoeuvre warfare capabilities in order to successfully complete their missions. It is very
likely that amphibious forces will have to conduct operations against a numerically superior
enemy, who is on his own terrain, and be surrounded by a neutral, if not hostile populace. As
such, the concept of Operational Manoeuvre From The Sea (OMFTS) whereby the sea is used
as a manoeuvre space, and command and control is fast enough to cope with large amounts of
information, but at the same time allow subordinates maximum flexibility to use their
initiative, is increasingly attractive. It will be important not only for the combat elements to be
able to use this new concept, but the Combat Service Support (CSS) elements as well
Command and Staff College ´Blago Zadro´ - The Education of Senior HV Officers during The Homeland War
Get PDFRad "Zapovjedno-stožerna škola 'BlagoZadro' – izobrazba najviših časnika HV-a tijekom Domovinskog rata" će u uvodnom dijelu u najosnovnijim crtama obuhvatiti početnu koncepciju sustava izobrazbe Hrvatske vojske i početnu časničku izobrazbu prije ustrojavanja Zapovjedno-stožerne škole "Blago Zadro", a u glavnom dijelu prikazat će povijesni tijek izobrazbe u školi do kraja 1995. i sve aspekte odgojno-obrazovnog procesa. U radu će biti analizirani svi elementi didaktičko-metodičkog četverokuta, a bit će ukazano i na ograničenja nastavnog procesa i načine na koji su ista rješavana. U radu će biti prikazan i razvoj nastavne institucije i unapređenje nastavnog procesa od I. do IV. naraštaja. Rad je sastavni je dio projekta "Vojna izobrazba HV-a tijekom Domovinskog rata".The paper provides short overview of the beginnings of officer education and describes the outlook of the education system prior to the establishment of the Command and Staff College 'Blago Zadro'. Author describes all the aspects of officer education before the end of 1995 and analyzes all elements of didactical-methodical square. He describes the problems and difficulties within the education process and the ways they were resolved. Furthermore, he presents the establishment of the institution of officer education and the improvements of education process from 1st to 4th officer education class. The paper is written as a part of "Military Education in HV During the Homeland War"
Are information operations stepping back or moving forward? An outsider's look in.
No full textFor consideration of the AFCEA Excellence in Joint Command, Control, Communications, Computers and Intelligence/Information Operations Writing Award. Winner of the Armed Forces Communication Electronics Association (AFCEA) JC4I-IO Writing Competition for CGSOC Class 14-02. "It took ten years to produce the 2013 edition of FM 3-13 and this decision to adjust fire on the G/S-7 and the role of inform and influence is a giant step away from this manual. While some hailed the newly penned FM as forward thinking, like all great plans it did not survive first contact. What remains to be seen is how the Army redefines this important mission set in the future. While the reorganization offers many opportunities, it also presents many challenges. What cannot be lost is the preeminent need for well-articulated understanding of the environment, problem, and solutions, which can then shape the context and meaning for those audiences we seek to influence. The author may be sitting in stands for this particular play, but it promises to be exciting.
Policing serious public disorder: the search for principles, policies and operational lessons. [In two volumes]
No full textThe paper examines the influence of central government on the police response to serious public disorder; the effectiveness or otherwise of the law and the way in which it is used by the police in their response to such disorder, and searches for sone principles which need to be followed if the police are to maintain the general support of the communities in which they are required to act. Some comparisons are made, and differences highlighted, between the police commander in his response to serious public disorder, once it has broken out, and the military commander in battle. But, guided by lessons from history, the paper principally concentrates on the environment in which the operational police commander is required to act in responding to actual or potential serious public disorder, pointing out that he is dependant for his success on firstly, an effective system of command and control; secondly, on an intelligence system which feeds relevant and accurate information on which he can make sound and informed decisions; and thirdly, the physical resources, e.g. personnel and equipment, and the approved tactics which enable him to restore public tranquility once disorder has broken out. But before he can use the physical resources effectively, he must have a sound strategy for dealing with actual or potential disorder
Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate period
No full textMy dissertation
examines
Muslim-Christian
relations
in Palestine during the British
mandate period, specifically, around the question of what constituted
Palestinian-Arab identity. More broadly
speaking, the dissertation
addresses the topic within the
context of the larger debate
concerning the role of material
factors (those
related to
specific
historical developments
and circumstances) versus that of
ideological
ones. in
determining
national
identities. At the beginning
of the twentieth, century, two models
of
Arab
nationalism were proposed-a more secular one emphasising a shared
language
and culture
(and thus, relatively
inclusive
of non-Muslims) and one wherein
Arab identity
was seen as essentially an extension of the Islamic
religious
community, or umma.
While
many
historians dealing
with
Arab
nationalism
have
tended to focus
on the role of
language (likewise, the role of
Christian Arab
intellectuals), I
would maintain that
it is the latter
model that proved
determinative
of
how
most
Muslim Arabs
came to conceive of their identity
as Arabs. Both
models
were essentially
intellectual
constructs; that the latter
prevailed
in the end reflects the
predominance of material
factors
over
ideological
ones.
Specifically, I
consider the
impact
of social, political and economic changes related to the Tanzimat
reforms and
European
economic penetration of the nineteenth century; the role of proto-nationalist
models of communal
identification-particularly
those related to religion; and
finally,
the role played
by
political actors seeking to gain or consolidate authority through the
manipulation of proto-nationalist symbols
Defining a US defence diplomacy for Brazil at the beginning of the century
No full textAt the beginning of the 1990s, the US military was apparently considered to be a significant threat by the Brazilian Armed Forces. Other military establishments in the Hemisphere likewise expressed a lack of confidence, and even a sense of fear, regarding the North Americans. After an ‘opening’ in military relations between Brazil and the United States, directed by General Barry McAfree, commander-in-chief of the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in the mid 1990s, Brazilian military sentiment regarding the US marginally improved. Nevertheless, by the end of the 1990s and the beginning of this Century, the Brazilian Armed Forces again felt threatened by the unilateralism of the US military.
This work examines the the concept of ‘defense diplomacy’ and the process by which the Clinton Administration initiated an experiment in conjunction with the National Defense University (Fort Leslie McNair, Washington, DC), at the request of the Deputy Assitant Secretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs, that established between 1999 and 2001 a broader understanding of possible US defense diplomacy for the subsequent seven years. I was an invited participant in this experiment, along with more than two dozen North American and Latin American academics, including Brazilians, the aim of which was to complete a proposal under contract with the Defense Department. Although it was ended soon after the Bush Administration began, this experiment, and the broader concept of ‘defense diplomacy,’ may well have represented an important option for future hemispheric military relations
The socio-cultural milieux of the left in post-war Britain
Get PDFThis thesis examines the relationship between activist subjectivities and the shaping of Britain’s late
sixties extra-parliamentary left cultures. Based on the oral narratives of ninety men and women, it
traces the activist trajectory from child to adulthood to understand the social, psychological, and
cultural processes informing the political and personal transformation of young adults within the
new left cultures that emerged in the wake of Britain’s anti-war movement, the Vietnam Solidarity
Campaign (VSC). To this end the study charts the development of the political and cultural shifts on
the left over the decade from the early 1960s to the early 1970s. It shows how throughout this
period dialogue between inner and outer activist life occurred against a background of ongoing
realignment on the left from a fluid, eclectic cultural network around the VSC to a demarcated post-
VSC left after 1969, that saw increasing divergence between a non-aligned libertarian New Left on
the one hand and a Trotskyist far left milieu on the other.
The study seeks to claim a valid space for Britain’s left activist landscape within the political,
social and cultural framework of ‘1968’ and British post-war historiography. Privileging individual
and collective subjectivities, the thesis examines ways of belonging inside Trotskyist and non-aligned
left milieux by situating the respondents, their radical histories and activist cultures within the
changing post-war fabric. It shows that investigating individual and collective memories provides
deeper understanding of the ‘cognitive maps’ that young men and women created, as they
attempted to situate themselves as radical, global beings as well as local, gendered social citizens.
As micro-studies the individual stories reveal how the experience of social, emotional and
political maturation from child to adult intersected with a specific social and political moment – the
formation of a new and distinctive left culture that came to full fruition only in the aftermath of 1968
with the arrival of Women’s Liberation and the new personal politics. Exploring the social and
psychological impact of post-war childhood and youth, the study engages with the political and
emotional impact of Women’s Liberation on the men and women within the cultural context of the different left milieux.
Overall, the thesis questions how, from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, the variant
cultures of the milieux penetrated public and private spaces, and shaped early life experiences of
work, political activity, family, and political and personal relations in order to understand how
activism shaped social patterns and psychic being
Why the Sector Skills Agreement (2003-2008) failed to deliver employer led curriculum development
No full textThis study examines the Sector Skills Agreement (SSA) policy initiative, which was instigated by the „New Labour‟ Government in 2003. The policy was intended to create an employer demand-led system of curriculum development for education and training in the Learning and Skills Sector within the United Kingdom. Sector Skills Councils (SSC) were tasked with implementing this policy initiative. This study explores the reasons why the SSA policy initiative failed to achieve the ambitions that the Government had for it. The methodology utilised by this study was grounded in reflexivity, with the author acting as a participant/key informant in the primary data collection. The primary data underpinning this study was obtained predominantly from email correspondence and was complemented by documents emanating from the Sector Skills Development Agency (SSDA) and the governments‟ of the devolved nations‟ of the UK and the then nine English regions, as well as the SSCs. The study argues that existing theorisations of policy fail to grasp the complexity of the processes surrounding the development of SSAs and consequently need to be developed further. Neo-pluralism provides a vehicle to advance theoretical understandings of policy processes in general and the SSA process in particular. The study concludes that a number of issues resulted in the failure of the SSA process, key amongst which was the involvement of the devolved nations and English regions of the UK in this process, whereby these constituencies appropriated the SSA to serve their own agendas, which were not those of the national government
- …
